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Baghdadee بغدادي

Will Alawi Be Our Future Dictator

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I, so far, can't see Alawi and his policy more than a new foundation for a new dictatorship based on nationalistic racist ideas. His accusations against Iraqi Shia's and efforts to link them with Iran and a future disintegration of the country play very well in the Arab and the anti-democratic sentiment in the Muslim world.


Please read article from the Washington post


Iraq Must Unify Or Face 'Disaster,' Premier Warns

Allawi Sees Threat of Iran Influence

By Anthony Shadid

Washington Post Foreign Service

Friday, February 18, 2005; Page A16



BAGHDAD, Feb. 17 -- Interim Prime Minister Ayad Allawi has warned that unless Iraq takes steps toward national reconciliation -- "not by words but by deeds" -- the country faces disaster, and he said he feared that Iraq could fall under the sway of neighboring Iran and an austere form of Islamic government that would derail efforts to foster democracy.


In a 40-minute interview Wednesday in his office, Allawi also said he would consider moving to another Arab country after his eight-month tenure ends, if he felt that the next government would not ensure his security.


"If the objective of national unity is missed, if the objective of national reconciliation is overlooked, then this will definitely spell out disaster," the 60-year-old former exile said.


"If the right decisions are not taken, yes, the country could really head into severe problems," Allawi warned at another point in the interview. "I wouldn't put it now at the level of a civil war, but it could be heading really toward severe turbulence."


The remarks by Allawi came nearly three weeks after his party placed a distant third in elections for Iraq's 275-member parliament. Despite aggressive television advertising, the power of incumbency and a campaign that portrayed him as both a law-and-order candidate and the secular alternative to Iraq's religious parties, Allawi's slate secured just 14 percent of the vote, or 40 seats, far behind the 140 seats won by a largely Shiite Muslim coalition backed by the country's most influential religious leader, Grand Ayatollah Ali Sistani.


In the interview at his heavily guarded office, patrolled by Iraqi and U.S. guards, Allawi spoke with little bitterness about those results, which in all likelihood will deprive him of a leading role in the next government. He seemed relaxed, almost offhandedly speaking of a plot this week to kill him with several car bombs. The prime minister, dressed in a brown tie and tan jacket, reflected on what he called his greatest accomplishment -- establishing Iraq's new security forces -- while looking ahead at the prospect of a dramatic shift in policies he supported, namely reaching out to the disenchanted Sunni Muslim minority and rehabilitating some former Baath Party officials.


Leaders of the winning Shiite alliance, while speaking about the need for national unity, have stated their determination to revive a campaign to force former Baath Party officials out of government ministries and the security forces. In English, the program is known in de-Baathification; it is referred to in Arabic as ijtithath, a far stronger term that suggests uprooting.


In conversations with U.S. officials before the Jan. 30 elections, alliance leaders had also vowed to adopt a more aggressive stance toward a nearly two-year-old insurgency, which has roiled parts of central Iraq dominated by the Sunni Arab minority. Among their proposals was the introduction of elements of formerly exiled Shiite militias into the security forces.


"The key issue here for Iraq is national unity and reconciliation. If this does not happen, then there is no security, there is no safety, for everyone. And then the law of the jungle will prevail, rather than the rule of law. And that's why it is important," Allawi said. "It's not the words that matter, it's the actions. It's not the promises. You cannot go and preach and indulge in discussing national unity or reconciliation and then on a blanket political decision . . . take revenge on all Baathists, or all those who were part of the Iraqi army."


Rehabilitating Baathists who he said were innocent of crimes was a pillar of the administration of Allawi, who came of age as a Baath Party cadre. After working as an exiled dissident supported by U.S. and British intelligence, then lying low for much of the occupation's first year, he became the surprise choice of the outgoing U.S.-led occupation authority last June to become prime minister.


In that position, he became the public face of the government after the occupation administration led by L. Paul Bremer formally came to an end, at a time when the country was especially reeling from violence. A heavyset man with a lumbering gait, Allawi cultivated an image of strength, a trait many Iraqis say they admire in a leader. In the early months of his tenure, in a practice he eventually ended, he rushed to sites of car bombings in Baghdad, and he explicitly endorsed the U.S. military assaults on Fallujah and Najaf.


Throughout his tenure, he seemed to wager that success in bringing order to Iraq -- not only diminishing the insurgency but also combating common crime -- would endow him with a base of support that could counter the surging influence of Iraq's Shiite clergy in the wake of the fall of Saddam Hussein, particularly in the Shiite-dominated south.


But he was shadowed by a widely held perception that he was the Americans' man in Iraq, and his recruitment of former Baathists into the security services angered some Shiite factions, who derided the policy as "re-Baathification."


Although Allawi emphasized security as his calling, many villages in Sunni regions remain under the sway of gunmen and insurgents. Hardships that have beset Iraq since Hussein's ouster have yet to ease. With guerrillas targeting infrastructure, oil production remains static, and electricity generation has decreased since Allawi assumed office. Lines for gasoline -- a bitter irony to many in a country with the world's second-largest oil reserves -- still snake for miles.


Looking back, Allawi claimed success in reaching out to disenchanted Sunnis and former Baathists "under a very difficult situation. The terrorists were attacking, the insurgency was ripe and strong. We did not have any military, we did not have any police, no security institutions. So really it was under very, very difficult circumstances. Now things are much better."


But he said he would have liked more progress on national reconciliation, such as by holding what he described as pan-Iraqi conferences "where people would come and sit down face to face, and everybody looks everybody in the eyes and starts talking about the country and unity."


Allawi also said he regretted not having conclusively ended the broad policy of de-Baathification. "I still believe very strongly that de-Baathification should be a judicial rather than a political issue," he said. "If you corner people, even if some of them are innocent, if you corner them, they will fight back. There is no other way."


Asked if he resented the influence of the Iranian-born Sistani in the elections, Allawi, a secular Shiite, paused. Careful not to personally criticize Sistani, he still lamented the impact of the ayatollah and, as important, his vast network of representatives. In the elections, Allawi's list reportedly polled best among older voters and in more secular urban areas such as Baghdad and Basra.


"They have a lot of money," he said. "They had also the support from Sistani, and Sistani's representatives in the provinces and the villages were very vocal. And not only supporting the list of the alliance but in undermining my personal list, our list."


He went on: "Frankly, I know in the south we have a lot of good Iraqi people who wanted to vote for us, but they [sistani's representatives] told them that their wives would divorce them, they would be sent to badWord."


Allawi said the risk posed by the alliance's success was the formal introduction of religion into politics, which "could spell disaster, frankly, for us." He said he worried, too, about the influence of Iran, whose clerical government gave shelter to a powerful Iraqi Shiite party during Hussein's rule and has continued to finance it.


Syria also remains a problem, he said.


"In spite of all our good efforts and goodwill to get these countries really to help, we haven't achieved even the acceptable threshold. There are a lot of talks," he said, "but in practical terms, there is nothing tangible as of yet, very little."


Allawi, a neurologist by training, returned to Iraq after Hussein's fall. His wife and three children lived for a while in Jordan and now reside in London. He said he remained "under constant threat" and was considering leaving Iraq for elsewhere in the Middle East once the new government took office, particularly if it did not provide the security he deemed necessary.


"You know, it depends on the risk," he said. "I don't know what is going to happen."


"What kind of security in this period is very important before we determine whether we stay here or I could go to some Arab country. It all depends on the capabilities," he said.


U.S. officials have cautioned against ruling out a prominent future role for Allawi, who is now perhaps the most recognizable political figure in the country. "I get the sense the gentleman is still very anxious to play a part," one U.S. official said.




© 2005 The Washington Post Company

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Guest تاجر



مقتطفات من المقابله الصحفيه اعلاه بالعربي


عندما سالت اختي الاكبر ادا كانت ستصوت لقائمه علاوي اجابت " لن اصوت لصدام اخر" لم اعي معنى كلامها حتى قرات هدا اللقاء الصحفي

وللعلم فاني قرات نصه الاصلي بالانكليزيه قبل ان اعلق هنا

كان من المفروض على علاوي لو كان يحترم شعبه ان يقدم التهنئه لمن اختاره الشعب كي يقود المرحله القادمه بدلا من ان يتهم الموصوتين بالجهل وان يحرض ضد من يتحمل المسؤليه بدلا عنه وكلنا نعرف حجم المسؤليه

ان تصريحاته اضرت كثيرا بسمعته ولربما كان سبب قوله انه ينوي الرحيل عن العراق الا علامه ياس تفسر مثل هده التصريحات المريضه التي تدكرنا يطبول صدام الجوفاء وادعائاته السخيفه

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  • 2 years later...



Allawi is asking the American to change AlMaliki !!!!!


This is a strange call from a person who is the leader of Al-Iraqiya bloc and part of the democratic system. When someone like him is asking to topple the head of the cabinet using non-democratic, cue like methods, it means that there is a problem in the mentality of the so called secular reformists. What is the difference now between Harith Al-Dhari, the pro sectarian violence figure in Iraq and Allawi. They are both asking the American to intervene and change the situation in a non democratic way. Why not Al-Dhari and Allawi go back to the ballot boxes and try to do the changes in a civilized manner?

I don't believe that the American are ready to change the course, but this indicates how brutal and bloody figures like Al-Dhari and Allawi might be if they took control !!!

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I agree, Allawi seems to be asking America to remove AlMaliki. See his Washington Post article. He will learn America has not spent it's treasure to reward him with Iraq. It belongs to the people. However, it will serve Iraqis to examine his points. He may have used some truths to make his argument.


He says "Maliki has stalled the passage of legislation, proposed in March, to reverse de-Baathification". Why should de-Baathification not be constituted as a token of reconciliation to the Sunnis? How should the secular Shi'ite goverment convince the Sunnis that they have not replaced the tyranny of Saddam with a tyranny of the majority? Isn't this necessary to harmony?

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Thanks for the points made. My comments would be:

- it is not up to the Maliki to pass or stall the legislations. It is the parliament who endorses them. The overall political system is in stall not because of Al-Maliki government but because of the different factions within the parliament who are not keen to move forward. Al-Sadrees, Al-Fadhila, Sunnis and now Al-Iraqiya bloc, are not willing to give Al-Maliki any chance to succeed by simply not turning up into the parliament!!! It is not up to the Maliki to enforce these legislations, but to the law makers to make them happened.

- De-Baathification law is a law made by the Americans during Briemer's era. Reverse it needs a consensus in the parliament. No one can make it happen without the law makers. The ongoing bombing all over Iraq and targeting innocents by Saddamies and Wahabies put every anti-Bathies in a defiant stands. Believe me, if the level of violence is kept at this level no reverse in DeBathification law is going to happen ..... Unless Americans decided to re-occupy Iraq with another Breimer. (just kidding .... Americans won't make the same mistakes twice).



one last point ....

Allawi have not attended the parliament sessions but for a couple of times ( it has been more than 1.5 years) ..... do you think that he is in a situation or can be credited to make any comment against the government performance from his office in London????

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خطتي لإنقاذ بلدي العراق


إياد علاوي


سيقدم الجنرال ديفيد بترايوس قائد القوات الأميركية في العراق، في الشهر المقبل، مع السفير رايان كروكر، تقريرا إلى الكونغرس حول الوضع في بلدي. أنا أتوقع أن تكون شهادة هذين الشخصين المسؤولين متمتعة بالكفاءة والعمق، مثلما تتطلب السياسة. كذلك أتوقع ألا يعكس تقييمهم كل المأساة المتمثلة في أن العراق بعد أربع سنوات من التحرر من نظام صدام حسين أصبح دولة فاشلة، عاجزة عن توفير الأمن والخدمات الأولية لأبنائها وتساهم في خلق أزمة واسعة في الشرق الأوسط.


لأكن واضحا. مسؤولية الفوضى القائمة حاليا تقع على عاتق الحكومة العراقية بالدرجة الأولى، لا الولايات المتحدة، فرئيس الوزراء نوري المالكي فشل في الاستفادة من رغبة الشعب العراقي في الوصول إلى حياة منتجة ومسالمة، مع كل الالتزامات والتضحيات الكبرى التي قدمتها الولايات المتحدة ودول أخرى. و«قمة الأزمة» في بغداد هي دليل إضافي على قرب انهيار الحكومة العراقية. فأفضل ما يمكن أن يترتب عن هذه القمة هو ربما تجديد المساعي والالتزامات للأطراف المشاركة فيها كي تعمل معا، وهذا قد يساعد على كسب اسابيع أو أشهر قليلة إضافية لنشاط سياسي تجميلي، لكن لن تتحقق أي مصالحة سياسية دائمة تحت نظام المالكي الطائفي.


من كان يتصور أن العراق سيكون في أزمة عميقة كهذه بعد أربع سنوات على سقوط صدام حسين؟ في كل شهر يقتل ما بين ألفين إلى ثلاثة آلاف عراقي على يد الإرهابيين وفرق الموت الطائفية. ولا تتوفر الكهرباء والماء في أحسن الأحوال أكثر من ست ساعات في اليوم. وبغداد التي كانت ذات يوم دليلا على التنوع الثقافي والاثني والديني أصبحت الآن مقسمة إلى مناطق طائفية مسلحة، تشبه كثيرا بيروت خلال الثمانينات من القرن الماضي.


يمكن القول إن إيقاف العنف وتحقيق الاستقرار والأمن والديمقراطية هي أمور يعتمد تنفيذها على العراقيين، أنا أعمل مع زملائي في البرلمان من أجل بناء ائتلاف أغلبية غير طائفي يدعم الخطة التالية، التي تتكون من ست نقاط، من اجل «عهد جديد» في العراق وتغيير الحكومة العراقية الحالية بوسائل ديمقراطية.


> يجب أن يكون العراق شريكا كاملا للولايات المتحدة في تطوير الخطة الأمنية التي ستؤول إلى سحب الجزء الأكبر من القوات الأميركية خلال السنتين المقبلتين، وقبل ذلك يبدأ تقليص الدور القتالي للوحدات الأميركية في العراق. الولايات المتحدة طرف لا يمكن الاستغناء عنه لتحقيق السلام والأمن في العراق وفي الشرق الأوسط بشكل عام. لكن دورنا حاليا هو الأكثر أهمية في حل مشاكلنا. وهذا لن يتحقق طالما بقيت الحكومة الحالية في السلطة.


> أنا اقترح إعلان حالة الطوارئ لبغداد وكل المناطق التي تشهد نزاعات مسلحة. هناك حاجة لإعادة هيكلة قوات الأمن العراقية. وكلما كان ممكنا يجب على هذه القوات المعاد هيكلتها أن تمتص الأفراد المنتمين إلى الميليشيات الطائفية والاثنية وتحويلها إلى بنية أمنية غير طائفية. فتقوية عضلات الميليشيات ليس حلا مناسبا، لأنه يطيل أمد التوترات ما بين الكيانات الاجتماعية المختلفة ويزعزع قوة سلطة الدولة. فالدولة لا تمتلك أي شرعية إن هي فشلت في توفير الأمن لأبنائها.


> نحن بحاجة إلى استراتيجية دبلوماسية تستفيد بشكل متزايد من الأمم المتحدة والعالم العربي في تحقيق الأمن وإعادة الإعمار للعراقيين، على واشنطن ألا تتحمل لوحدها العبء الدبلوماسي، مثلما هو الحال الآن، فرئيس الوزراء المالكي بدد مصداقية العراق في السياسة العربية، وهو لن يتمكن من إعادتها، إضافة إلى ذلك، فإن العراق بحاجة إلى دور أكثر حزما كي يطلب من إيران إنهاء تدخلها في الشؤون العراقية وإقناع سوريا كي تلعب دورا أكثر إيجابية في العراق.


> يجب أن يكون العراق دولة واحدة مستقلة وفيدرالية. لذلك علينا أن نقوي المؤسسات المحلية والإقليمية على حساب السياسات الطائفية وعلى حساب حكومة شمولية ومستبدة في بغداد. يجب أن يكون الدين قوة توحيد لا تفريق في بلدي. وعلى العراقيين سنة وشيعة أن يفتخروا بهويتهم الإسلامية. لكن حينما تهيمن السياسة الطائفية الدينية يظهر الإرهابيون والمتطرفون باعتبارهم الطرف الرابح الوحيد.


* تتطلب المصالحة الوطنية التزاما ملحا بالاعتدال وإنهاء العنف الطائفي عن طريق دمج كل العراقيين في العملية السياسية. علينا أن نعترف بمساهمة الأكراد ومساهمة الحكومة الإقليمية الكردية في مستقبل العراق الديمقراطي. فالمصالحة تتطلب اشتراكا فعالا للزعماء الدينيين والسياسيين البارزين من شيعة وسنة. قام المالكي بعرقلة المصادقة على تشريع تم اقتراحه في مارس الماضي لقلب مسار قانون «اجتثاث البعث». هذا المقترح كان يجب أن تتم المصادقة عليه فوريا.


> أصيب الاقتصاد العراقي بالعطب بسبب الفساد وغياب الأمن المناسب. يجب أن نشدد على إعادة بناء كل البنى التحتية الأساسية. إذ لن تكون هناك أي تنمية اقتصادية مناسبة من دون توفر كهرباء وماء صالح للشرب. ومع مرور الوقت يحتاج العراق إلى بناء اقتصاد يستند إلى مبدأ السوق الحرة مع دور أساسي للقطاع الخاص.


طال انتظار تحقق تغيير على مستوى القمة في الحكومة العراقية، ومن دون ذلك، لن تنجح أي استراتيجية عسكرية أميركية أو أي انسحاب أميركي منظم، وسيترك العراق والمنطقة للغرق في اتون الفوضى.


* رئيس وزراء العراق (2004-2005)


* خدمة «واشنطن بوست» ـ


خاص بـ«الشرق الأوسط»

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Alawee sign contract with US company to lobby against Amliki, the question is from where he got all that money to pay the lobbying company !!




صوت العراق يحصل على صورة العقد بين علاوي والشركة


(صوت العراق) - 24-08-2007

ارسل هذا الموضوع لصديق


صوت العراق يحصل على صورة العقد بين علاوي والشركة الامريكية


متابعة من صوت العراق لما نشرناه هذا اليوم http://www.sotaliraq.com/articles-iraq.php?id=60519 بخصوص خبر محطة ال سي ان ان الامريكية المتعلق بالعقد الذي وقعه الدكتور اياد علاوي رئيس الوزراء السابق مع شركة امريكية للوبي والعلاقات العامة والتي بموجبها وحسب العقد الموقع بين الدكتور علاوي والشركة الامريكية والتي تقوم بموجبه الاخيرة على إتصال الشركة بصناع القرار الامريكي للترويج للدكتور علاوي على انه الشخص المناسب لرئاسة وزراء العراق وفي المقابل تتولى الشركة حملة إتصالات وعلاقات عامة على إظهار السيد رئيس الوزراء بأنه لا يصلح للاستمرار في منصبه لحكم العراق.





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I was happy to see this today: Iraq leaders agree on key laws, especially the part about provincial elections. Getting this appoved should have been easy. At least if the leaders really believe in democracy. Some areas of Iraq have not yet elected provincial leaders, the grassroots of any democracy. Provincial elections will add to the goverment's legitimacy more than any of the other compromises planned. I'm not too worried about those without much power, like Alawee. Unless Iraqi leaders don't protect their constitution.

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I have not seen anything about Alawi here in the US. However, I have seen a lot about Maliki's comments regarding Hillary Clinton. It was shrewd of Maliki to point out so boldly to Hillary that Iraq is an independent democracy. It's political suicide for any American politician to advocate control over another sovereign democracy. This should stop any further ruminations about what the Iraqi government should look like and maybe it will minimize the suggestions about what laws the Iraqis should pass. Seems like Maliki's political advisors are every bit as savvy as Alawi's

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Very good point Hogan. The irony is that Allawee and his Arab oil countries need so much money to reach, Maliki needs couple of words to reach through more effectively. !

Your point is valid if the contract was to promote Alawee only , it is really to denounce Maliki. I think the later mission was very clear in the US media and among different politicians. One might thought of the case as a legitimate political say on a country where so many brave US kids are fighting shoulder to shoulder with Iraqis. The question is if these comments of calling for stepping of the elected PM of ally country are subjective. It might run the country into complete vacuum of power while these kids fighting an enemy that all what it needs to escape it's deadly ring is a window of chaos.

Allawee has all the rights to use all what is possible to achieve his goals, using OIl Suadi money might bring so much questions though, here in Iraq and there in USA .. To how much , US politicians are immanent to the foreign money influence.. I am not accusing any one , but just raise question


As for Maliki consultants , I agfree that they are doing a great job!

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Usama Alnajaifee, a prominent legislator form Alawee slate, announced that Alawee is returning back to Baghdad to lead an opposition block in the parliament. If that news is correct then I think Alawee is making the right decision. Opposing the government from Amman and London five starts hotels and through US and Arab news papers had weakened Alawee too much. I think he still gets a unique opportunity to lead a constructive political opposition with rule to monitor and criticize the government from within not from some Arab Intelligence and US oil companies prospective


Alawee can get support of the Sunni and Shia secular middle class. Though he might not be able to get enough majority votes but having a significant opposition block can bring more people into it alter.

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Allawi admits meeting Bathies from Al-Duri, "King of Clubs" in the most-wanted Iraqi playing cards, under the supervision of the Americans!!!!



If that is the case, then he is putting another nail in his coffin. I wonder, if other people from his alliance are willing to accept the return of Bathies in to the political scenery of Iraq. Al-Duri was the main force behind Al-Zarqawi merge few year ago and has much Iraqi blood than Al-Zarqawi himself.

Allawi and his Arabs alliance are bidding on the American to topple the democratically elected government. The might issues with the govenment itself but you can't topple it because its bad !!!! The problem they don’t understand is that, Iraq is different, and any cue-like approach will disintegrate the country in favour of Iraq’s neighbours.

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السبت 26 شعبان 1428هـ - 08 سبتمبر2007م



علاّوي هو الحلّ

جميل النمري



لقد خاطب بوش خصومه المستعجلين على طرد المالكي قائلا إن موضوع رئيس الوزراء لا يقرره الساسة في واشنطن بل العراقيون في بغداد وهذا إعلان مبدئي رفيع، لكنه غير صحيح بنسبة مائة بالمائة؛ فبوش لا يريد افتضاح حقيقة انه في ورطة ولا يملك القرار مع حلفائه في الائتلاف الشيعي، ويمون عليهم أقل كثيرا مما تمون عليهم إيران. ولذلك تفضّل الادارة حتّى الآن توجيه رسائل تراوح بين إبداء عدم الرضى ونفاد الصبر وإعطاء مهل أخيرة بانتظار استكمال بلورة رؤية ستنتج عن تقارير مختلفة تعدّ بينها ما سيقدمه قائد القوات الاميركية بيتريوس والسفير في بغداد كروكر إلى الكونغرس في منتصف أيلول الحالي، وفي كل الأحوال ثمّة إجماع يتحقق على أن المالكي استنفد فرصه ولا ينتظر منه أي تغيير وهو ليس بقادر على نهج مختلف عمّا فعله في الماضي أي تغطية حكم الميليشيات وتسخير اجهزة السلطة للفرز والاضطهاد والتطهير الطائفي ومنع ملاحقة فساد وجرائم جماعة الائتلاف.



لكن المسألة لا تتعلق بشخص المالكي، فأي شخصيّة قيادية من الائتلاف الشيعي ستكون اسيرة لنفس الواقع الحالي، والبديل هو الانقلاب في رأس السلطة على الائتلاف الشيعي، ومجيء شخصيّة جاهزة لتنظيف الأجهزة واستبدال المفاصل التنفيذية، ويبدو علاّوي هو الشخصيّة الوحيدة المؤهّلة لهذا الدور
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سهير القيسي: طيب ما الذي دار في هذه الحوارات عندما أنت كنت موجود قبيل مغادرتك يعني ما النتيجة لهذه الحوارات؟

د. إياد علاوي: يعني هذا أعتقد موضوع يجب أن يُترك إلى البعثيين أنفسهم وإلى الأميركان اللي هم كانوا أصحاب الطلب في هذا اللقاء, لكن بشكل عام الحديث كان يدور في مسألة أن يدخل منتسبي حزب البعث إلى العملية السياسية وأن لا يكونوا ضد العملية السياسية, مقابل رفع قانون اجتثاث البعث وما إلى ذلك, وأه حزب البعث كحزب يعني يجب أن يجد صياغات أخرى لعمله في المستقبل, ومعلوماتي أيضاً بصراحة أن الاجتماعات هذه لا تزال تجري ما بين الطرفين, يعني وما أعرف الحقيقة وين توصلوا وشو رح يتوصلون, لكن أنا في تصوري أن كل هذه اللقاءات ومع كل الأطراف العراقية يجب أن تصب في النهاية في سلام العراق واستقراره وأمنه وأمن شعبه. وبهذه المناسبة دكتورة أنا البارحة كنت مع السفير الأميركي, وتغذينا أنا وياه يعني قبل ما يغادر إلى الولايات المتحدة الأميركية, وجرى حديث بيني وبينه على ضرورة الانفتاح على التيارات الإسلامية ومنها قيادات الحركة الصدرية والتيار الصدري, وأن تتوقف العمليات الواسعة, ووجدت هناك تجاوب أيضاً من السفير الأميركي في هذا الشأن, اللي أقدر أقوله بالنهاية في هذا الموضوع هو أنه إحنا علينا أن لا نخسر العراقيين بسبب اتجاهاتهم السياسية طالما يكون سقفهم العراق وانتمائهم للعراق, يجب أن نسعى مهما كان الاتجاه إسلامي أو قومي أو ليبرالي أن نجد الصياغات لاشتراك هؤلاء في سلام واستقرار الشعب العراقي.

سهير القيسي: نتوقف الآن مشاهدينا وضيفنا دكتور إياد علاوي مع فاصل راجعين بعد الفاصل لنكمل هذا الحوار ابقوا معن

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