BahirJ

Mohammad (BPUH) statue at the US Supreme Court building in Washington a prove that the west cannot ignore the legaecy of the great prophet. Frieze depicts Muhammad among 18 "lawgivers" on wall above Supreme Court justices' bench To read more about the frieze please refer to http://www.dailyrepublican.com/sup_crt_frieze.html An excerpt about the prophet says: Muhammad (570-632) In Muslim tradition, this great prophet received the sacred scriptures of the Koran from God. The fundamental tenet of Islam, which covers all private and public behavior, is submission to the will of God. After last year's controversy about the image of Muhammad, the Supreme Court included this explanation in tourist materials: "The figure is a well-intentioned attempt by the sculptor to honor Muhammad, and it bears no resemblance to Muhammad. Muslims generally have a strong aversion to sculptured or pictured representations of their Prophet."

To HASAM ALI Your quote, If that is your understanding to the meaning of Al-Sistani fatwa go youself and buy more Danish food, we are not buying your intrepretation.

Please listen and see this video clip. CLICK HERE

http://spectrum.ieee.org/feb06/2831 Re-engineering Iraq By: Glenn Zorpette "We had an incident", the engineer tells me. These four words get your attention in Iraq. We're in the northern outskirts of Baghdad, in a spotless white conference room at the new Quds power station. We're out in the Red Zone, the area surrounding central Baghdad's massively guarded Green Zone enclave. There are probably people nearby, perhaps as close as the sprawling crude-oil pumping facility across the road, who would kill us if they got the chance. That's why we've arrived at the plant in two convoys, each with three heavily armored SUVs and a security contingent of eight men outfitted with assault rifles, grenades, body armor, radios, electronic beacons, navigational and medical equipment, and other gear. It's a lot of men, guns, and hardware for a routine meeting at a power plant. But the statistics bear out the caution. As of this past November, at least 412 civilian contractors had been killed in Iraq, according to U.S. Department of Labor figures cited in a recent report to the U.S. Congress. Scores more had been injured or kidnapped and released. The contractors included all kinds of workers: engineers, security agents, truck drivers, even cooks. To put the figures in perspective, there are well over a thousand engineers in Iraq working on reconstruction, [see "Who's Minding the Contractors?"] several thousand if you include military and Iraqi engineers. About 2000 of some 3200 projects have been completed, according to U.S. government figures released this past autumn. The projects range from the refurbishment of schoolrooms to the construction of airfields and huge new transmission substations. As of fall 2005, the United States had spent or committed more than US $20 billion to the effort, other countries had pledged $13.6 billion, and Iraq itself had contributed about $24 billion, including seized assets of Saddam Hussein. It would be hard to find another endeavor, anywhere, anytime, in which so much was asked of engineers, personally and professionally. Never before has so vast a reconstruction program been attempted in the face of enemy fire or managed in the shadow of geopolitics, where infrastructure itself became a battleground. Insurgents were blowing up electrical transmission towers at an average rate of two a day this past August, and Iraqi workers and foreign contractors were risking their lives to put them back up. Throughout reconstruction, projects have gotten funds, lost them, and sometimes even gotten them back again, according to changes in the prevailing political winds. Generating plants have been built that can't be fueled; a water pumping station repaired for $225 million was rendered useless by countless leaks in the pipes connected to it. Five distribution substations were built for $28.8 million, but they'll sit idle for years because the infrastructure to tap into them hasn't been started yet. These are the kind of developments that compelled me to come here, not only to Iraq, but to this particular power plant. Its technology and its array of problems make the Quds power plant emblematic of the potential and pitfalls of the electrical reconstruction so far. Even the morning's ride out to the plant is a quick lesson in the logistics of getting around Iraq. Before stepping into the armored vehicles, I give my full name, Social Security number, and blood type to the leader of our security team, who dutifully files the information for use in the event that the morning's ride doesn't go well. Then I wriggle into my body armor and don a Kevlar helmet for the 45-minute ride out to the plant. Around the time we pass through a checkpoint and leave the Green Zone, security agents in the engineer's convoy, which had left about a half-hour ahead of mine, are shooting out the radiator of a car that had aggressively approached the convoy, ignoring repeated warnings to back off. The rear SUV in the three-vehicle convoy had the standard orange warning, in big Arabic script as well as in English, telling drivers to stay at least 100 meters from the vehicle. When cars got too close, a security agent in the rear SUV went through a series of actions to try to get the driver's attention: first waving an orange flag, then firing a small incendiary known as a pin flare at the road in front of the oncoming car, and then firing warning shots into the air. But one driver kept closing in on the trailing SUV. The next step in the sequence was firing at the radiator until the car stopped. The car's driver wasn't hurt; indeed, he is even eligible to file a claim for compensation for the damage to his car. Editor's Note: An unusually large number of sources for this article are not identified. Iraqi sources had to be granted anonymity for their own safety, and many engineering contractors would speak freely only on condition of anonymity. All of the money pledged so far for Iraq's reconstruction adds up to roughly $60 billion, according to a report last July by the U.S. Government Accountability Office (GAO). U.S. officials whom I interviewed in Iraq this past October said that the current consensus was that the final tally might be as high as $100 billion. For comparison, in the first two years of their reconstruction after being devastated in wars, Germany, Japan, Haiti, Bosnia, Kosovo, and Afghanistan together received a total of $25.6 billion, in 2003 dollars, according to the United States Institute of Peace, a congressionally created organization devoted to conflict resolution. The first European Recovery Program, known as the Marshall Plan, which rebuilt much of Western Europe after World War II, spent the equivalent of about $90 billion in today's dollars between 1948 and 1951. The huge reconstruction program in Iraq has five main parts: security and justice; electricity; water; oil; and a catch-all category that includes transportation, telecommunications, buildings, health, and education. According to last summer's GAO report, some $5.7 billion had been spent on work in the electrical sector in the two years prior to spring 2005. That total included $4.9 billion in U.S.-appropriated funds and $816 million in Iraqi money. What that investment bought was, among other things, the addition or restoration of several thousand megawatts of generating capacity (although at any given time less than half of it is actually available on the grid), several hundred kilometers of new or refurbished transmission lines, one new and one rebuilt transmission substation, and 44 new or improved distribution substations. Still, there's a long way to go. According to the latest figures, the country's 173 generating units, spread among some 35 power plants, can reliably produce just under 5000 MW at peak periods. That falls well short of peak demand, which was estimated to be 8845 MW last summer and is expected to be 10 000 MW next summer. Most officials, Iraqis included, agree that there is more power available in Iraq now than there was before the 2003 war. However, that fact is less germane than most people realize, because the allocation of electric power has shifted seismically, and more or less in sync with the shift in political power. Basically, parts of Baghdad and central Iraq now get much less power than they did before the war, while parts of the south and north actually get considerably more. For many years, the mainstays of Iraq's electrical capacity were steam generating plants near the huge oil fields in the south and hydroelectric plants ["Power Corridors" in the Kurdish regions in the north. Relatively few plants were concentrated around Baghdad, where most of the demand was. So to keep parts of the city energized close to 24 hours a day, as Saddam wished them to be, operators had to black out different parts of the Shiite south and Kurdish north on a rotating schedule. Rotating blackouts are still a way of life in Iraq's electrical sector, but now they're not done for Baghdad's benefit. The city still gets about half of its power from the north and south, but these days city residents get anywhere from 6 to 9 hours of electricity a day, compared with about 15 hours for people living in Basra. In the most recent survey by the International Republican Institute, a prodemocracy advocacy group in Washington, D.C., 2200 Iraqis were asked which of 10 different problems "requiring a political or governmental solution" was most important to them. The first choice, by a margin of about 10 percent, was "inadequate electricity." "National security" came in fifth; the "presence of multinational forces" was seventh; and "terrorists" was eighth. A popular if not universal idea is that a more robust electrical system would be a weapon against the insurgency; it's a concept the insurgents themselves have helped propagate by focusing so many of their attacks on the electrical infrastructure. Counterinsurgency, it has been said, can't really succeed without successful efforts to improve a country's political and economic base. And few analysts dispute the idea that one of the key obstacles to further economic progress in Iraq is its inadequate electrical system. Never before has so vast a reconstruction program been attempted in the face of enemy fire or managed in the shadow of geopolitics "If the electricity problem were to be resolved, it would be the catalyst for economic growth," an IEEE member in Iraq writes in an e-mail. "Social problems would ease tremendously, as power would be available during the extreme summer heat and for cooking and TV (allowing more access to news and international programs)," he adds. The member is an electrical engineer who has worked in Iraq on and off for two years under a contract with a U.S. government agency. (Like many other sources for this article, he would comment only on condition of anonymity.) See, " Re-Engineering Photo Slide Show ". Not just its size and scope make the Iraqi reconstruction effort unusual. Administratively, it is also unlike anything else in recent history. In the electrical sector alone, four bureaucracies have a major role. At the top of this list is Iraq's Ministry of Electricity, the huge and monolithic government agency that, in theory at least, is responsible for everything related to electricity in the country, from running power plants to sending out bills. Today, the Ministry of Electricity is one of several Iraqi agencies working primarily with three U.S. government organizations to operate, maintain, and improve Iraq's infrastructure. Two of these three U.S. organizations are temporary agencies created by a presidential directive in May 2004. One is the Iraqi Reconstruction Management Office (IRMO), which is part of the U.S. State Department. The other is the Iraq Project and Contracting Office (PCO), which was created specifically to oversee the $18.4 billion set aside by Congress in the fall of 2003 for Iraq's reconstruction. The PCO was recently absorbed into the U.S. Army Corps of Engineers, which had previously had a separate presence in Iraq. IRMO staffers, working in the huge diplomatic maze in Saddam's vast former palace in Baghdad, advise key officials at such Iraqi ministries as Interior, Oil, and Electricity. They help them develop plans and strategies, set priorities, monitor spending, and coordinate with the U.S. military. The PCO, meanwhile, oversees contracting for big projects and supplies. But it is the IRMO, working with Iraqi officials, that has final say over how reconstruction money is being allocated. And in any case, the PCO, though now part of the Army Corps of Engineers, reports to the U.S. ambassador in Baghdad. So, ultimately, no large U.S.-funded projects can be undertaken in Iraq without the approval of the State Department. The third U.S. bureaucracy involved in Iraqi reconstruction is the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID), the government office created in 1961 to oversee nonmilitary foreign humanitarian efforts. The huge reconstruction effort is divided not only by agencies but also by sectors and components within sectors. In the electricity sector, there are separate generation, transmission, and distribution components. Many of the most important generating projects have been under the auspices of the PCO; for many of these, the supervisory contractor has been a company called the Iraq Power Alliance (see sidebar, "Who's Who Among Electrical Contractors in Iraq," at right on next page). It is a joint venture of the engineering firms WorleyParsons Ltd., in Sydney, Australia, and Parsons Brinckerhoff Ltd., in London. The engineering firms working in Iraq are among the world's best. The fees they've been awarded are huge even by the standards of big-project engineering. The engineers they've sent to Iraq are capable, hard-working, and often incredibly courageous, as I saw for myself during a 10-day stay in which I was granted access as unrestricted as the security situation allowed. So, nearly three years after reconstruction began, why does Iraq's electrical infrastructure still fall short by 4000 MW? There are a lot of reasons. Here are the fundamental ones: A poor match between generating technologies and the kinds of fuels available in Iraq. A well-armed insurgency that has made destroying electrical infrastructure a centerpiece of its bid to destroy the country's fledgling democracy. Revenue levels coming into the Ministry of Electricity that are so low as to be insignificant, a function of a ruinously low rate structure and far too few electric meters actually recording how much power people are using. Management and personnel problems at all levels of the government, including the ministry, which is generally believed to have thousands of fictitious employees created for the sole purpose of getting a paycheck cashed by someone else. The erosion of operational and, particularly, maintenance skills among workers at the country's Ministry of Electricity. On our way to the Quds power plant, we pass through Baghdad's northern outskirts in a three-car convoy. It's 9:30 in the morning on a sunny but not oppressively hot autumn day, and men, women, and children are out on the streets. Some of the women wear dark chadors, the traditional Islamic robes; some do not. Along the roadside here and there, vendors sit by big piles of watermelons or amid arrays of black plastic jugs of gasoline. Traffic is moderately heavy. Jim Hawkins, an Army major sitting next to me in the armored Toyota Land Cruiser, points out a white-and-orange sedan whose tail is jacked up unusually high. It might be a future car bomb, he says. The improvised bombs made by the insurgents are heavy and are often based on explosives from artillery shells. So to avoid the suspicion that a car with a sagging tail end would arouse, insurgents often jack up the rear suspension of a car before they put a bomb in its trunk. Behind me, I hear an occasional crack as one of the security team in the trailing Land Cruiser fires a pin flare into the road or a rifle shot into the air, warning an approaching vehicle to back off. We come upon a traffic jam that seems to extend ahead for several kilometers at least (we can't see it at the time, but there's an Iraqi military checkpoint up ahead). With hardly any hesitation, our convoy swoops at high speed across the median to the other side of the highway, with traffic going in the opposite direction. Our driver, a young, thin, silent Brit in dark glasses, known as Fish, plunges into oncoming traffic. Happily enough, it makes way for us. "This is the first time I've ever done this sober," I joke nervously to Hawkins, who is unfazed. Our Driver, A Young, Thin, Silent Brit In Dark Glasses, Known As Fish, Plunges into Oncoming Traffic In the vicinity of the Quds complex, I notice several towering flare stacks across the street from the power plant, at an oil field called East Baghdad. Atop one of the stacks, an enormous orange flame indicates that natural gas pouring out of the oil deposits is being burned off steadily to keep it from exploding. Such flaring goes on continually all over Iraq. It is so widespread in the huge southern oil fields west of Basra that it actually fills the night sky with light. The flaring is notable because if all that gas were captured, pressurized, and distributed rather than being burned off, it could be used to meet more than half of Iraq's demand for electricity. At the moment, Iraq is flaring more than 28 million cubic meters of gas a day. It's enough to fire at least 4000 MW of electricity. The gas is sorely needed. Most of the generating units installed or refurbished so far during reconstruction—40 out of a total of about 57—are based on combustion turbines. They run optimally only when being fueled by natural gas, which few of them are at the moment. The rest are running on diesel fuel or heavy derivatives of crude oil left over after the more desirable fuel grades are separated out in refining. Those more desirable grades of crude are shipped out of Iraq, to bring desperately needed revenues into the country. And the Ministry of Electricity pays the Ministry of Oil only a small fraction of the world-market price for the fuels it needs to generate electricity. Thus, the Electricity Ministry must be content with whatever it can get, and generally what it gets are fuels that few other utilities in the world would be willing to burn. "The fuel situation is a mess," says Keith W. Crane, senior economist at the Rand Corp.'s Washington office. He was an advisor to Ambassador L. Paul Bremer, the civil administrator of Iraq after the war. "There are no prices, no incentives, nothing." Diesel fuel, which isn't produced in sufficient quantities in Iraq, is trucked to the generating plants from Turkey at great cost. But that obstacle is nothing compared with the problems of the heavy fuels, including something called Bunker C, which powers a lot of Iraq's generating plants. Even under the best circumstances, a PCO generation specialist in Iraq tells me, a combustion turbine running on crude oil or diesel fuel requires two or three times as much maintenance as one running on natural gas. And present-day Iraq isn't an example of the best circumstances. Before these heavy fuels can be burned in a combustion turbine, they have to be treated with a substance called an inhibitor to mitigate the effects of elements like vanadium that would damage the turbine blades. The inhibitor binds the vanadium to magnesium, to keep the vanadium from corroding the blades. Unfortunately, the resulting compounds are deposited on the turbine blades. So the units have to be taken out of service every week to have their blades cleaned. "To buy inhibitor, in dollars per liter, is more expensive than crude," one engineer tells me. "Last summer," he goes on, "we bought all the inhibitor on the shelf in the world for a four-month supply in Iraq. Let me put it in simple terms: nobody's dumb enough to do what we're doing." Iraq's 110 combustion turbines alone could in theory generate well over 4000 MW if they were being fueled by natural gas. So far, though, the actual output of these combustion turbine generators hasn't come close to half of that figure. At Quds, I begin to understand why. Arriving at the Quds administrative building, the security team that got us there checks the building before we can go inside. After we get the all clear, I go upstairs, to the nicely furnished conference room, where I get a status report from the American engineer who arrived in the earlier convoy, the Iraqi plant manager, and two Iraqi engineers who have been brought out of retirement to help deal with the problems at the plant. I can't use any names, the Iraqis tell me, and I can't take their pictures, because they live in the area and would become targets for insurgents. Quds has eight combustion turbines. Four are General Electric Frame 9s, rated for 123 MW burning gas or 90 MW burning crude oil or diesel. At the moment, three are running on crude oil and one on diesel fuel, filling the air with a whining thrum. The other four combustion units are General Electric LM6000s, rated on gas at 30 MW apiece. Engineers have tried to set them up to burn diesel fuel, but without success. It has been several months since any of them have run. "The basic problem with Quds is, we have four LM6000s out there that essentially don't have a fuel supply," says a U.S. power-generation engineer who did a yearlong tour in Iraq. "We installed a third of a billion dollars' worth of combustion turbines that can't be fueled." The LM6000 combustion turbines are a type known as aeroderivative. They are basically Boeing 747 turbines mounted on heavy stands. They work well on natural gas, but to run on diesel, they need high-quality fuel and a fair amount of operational sophistication, two things in short supply today in Iraq. "The first time I went to Quds and saw those LM6000s, the first words out of my mouth were, 'What the badWord are those things doing here?'" says the generation specialist in Iraq. There are two distinct accounts of how the LM6000s wound up at Quds. The power-generation engineer no longer in Iraq says that they were purchased partly as a result of a misunderstanding. The buyers had bought them thinking that their dual-fuel classification meant they could be powered by crude oil and natural gas. (In fact, it meant they could be fired by highly pure diesel fuel or natural gas.) When the bids were made, in September of 2003, "no one understood that the LMs can't run off crude," the engineer says. However, representatives of General Electric Co. and the PCO strongly deny this account. They say that the PCO bought the turbines intending to fuel them with a "distillate" derived from the crude oil pumped at the East Baghdad facility across the street. They were stymied, they say, when it turned out that East Baghdad couldn't pump crude fast enough to give them distillate in sufficient quantities to run the LM6000s. The LM6000s are supposed to run continuously for months at a time, to avoid the thermal shocks of being cycled on and off. Each of the four units has special tandem high-pressure filters, built by Westfalia Separator Deutschland GmbH, in Oelde, Germany, to remove impurities and debris from the diesel fuel. If one filter clogs, operators are supposed to switch on the fly to the other filter, allowing the turbine to keep running while the clogged filter is cleaned. But the plant's Iraqi operators have had trouble switching between filters, and at the moment three of the four units are damaged and unusable. It may be just as well. If the operators could somehow manage to get all four LM6000s running continuously, they would consume a truckload of diesel fuel every 45 minutes, I am told. All of it would have to come down from Turkey. At $85 a barrel. The LM6000s "need high-quality fuel, and a lot of care, and a lot of experienced people to run them," says one of the Iraqi engineers brought out of retirement. "Still, if you are in a sea and drowning, you will grab anything," he adds with a shrug. Why not pay a few technicians from Westfalia to spend a couple of weeks here showing the Iraqis how to properly operate the filters? The American engineer gives me a patient, sad smile. It would cost at least $60 000 a day to do that, he estimates, if you figure in the costs of the security teams and everything else you'd need to provide safe lodging and transportation for the technicians. Suddenly, that gas I saw being flared across the street at the East Baghdad field seems all the more wasteful. The gas from just that one flare stack could fuel two of the LM6000s, the American engineer tells me. I ask the obvious question: why aren't they building the pressurization system and short pipeline that could get the gas across the street to the combustion turbines? It turns out that just before the first Gulf War, in 1991, an Italian company had installed all of the infrastructure needed to capture, dry, pressurize, and clean up the natural gas at East Baghdad. But when the war broke out the Italians fled before they could get the system running. The equipment has lain there ever since, unused and sinking into disrepair. In 2004, $50 million of Iraqi money was set aside to refurbish the gas equipment at East Baghdad. Another $250 million was earmarked to reconstruct gas pipelines and compressors to move gas from the huge southern oil fields as far north as Quds. But the Ministry of Oil didn't commit to using the funds during that calendar year, so the money was transferred to the Ministry of Finance, as specified in the legal code then in effect in Iraq. What happened to the $300 million then? "We have no clue," says the U.S. power-generation engineer, who was working in Iraq at the time and following the situation. In the meantime, the insurgency has staged devastating attacks on pipelines, timed perfectly for maximum disruption. The attacks have made it impossible to undertake a large pipeline project today. At Quds, though, no long pipeline is needed, because the gas comes out of the ground literally across the street from the power plant. So yet another project, called the East Baghdad Oil-Gas project, has been proposed to get the gas to Quds. Because the costs of buying and trucking diesel fuel from Turkey are so high, the projected $33 million cost of the project would be recovered within three months of completion, the generation specialist says. Still, the project was recently shelved as Iraqi and U.S. officials balked at its cost at a time when funds were being shifted to security. "It's insane," the PCO generation specialist in Iraq says of the decision. The expert at the U.S. Embassy in Baghdad responds: "We're trying to negotiate with the Ministry of Oil to make [the East Baghdad project] a priority for them." Why did reconstruction officials limit themselves to combustion turbines? After all, had they begun putting in at least a few steam-thermal plants in the spring of 2003, their fuel problems wouldn't be nearly as extreme as they are now. Combustion turbines and steam-thermal plants have fundamental differences. A combustion turbine is spun by the hot exhaust gases of a burning fuel; in a steam-thermal plant the fuel is burned to make steam, which spins the turbine. Only the steam, not the hot, corrosive exhaust, flows through the turbine. So it doesn't really matter what kind of fuel you burn to make the steam, and the plants require much less maintenance. "When we were starting to rebuild," says one of the formerly retired Iraqi engineers now working at Quds, "the U.S. didn't take the advice of the Ministry of Electricity on where to build plants and what kind of plants to build. It was a shortcoming in planning." The expert at the embassy offers a different view. He notes that the initial decision to begin installing combustion turbines in the country was made by Iraqi officials, not U.S. officials, well before the start of the 2003 war. Those Iraqi officials had used United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) money to buy a dozen combustion turbines—including the four GE Frame 9s at Quds. But just because the Iraqis had started putting in combustion turbines doesn't mean the United States should have installed lots more of them, some experts contend. One U.S. engineer puts it bluntly: "It doesn't mean it wasn't a stupid thing to do." To the dozen combustion units the Iraqis had bought under UNDP, the rebuilders added, or are adding, 30 more. Who decided to limit new generation plants to combustion turbines? "Absolutely everyone operating in Iraq at that time," says a former official of the Coalition Provisional Authority, which ran Iraq in the war's aftermath. The blame should be spread among the Army Corps of Engineers, USAID, PCO, CPA, the State Department—and also the Ministry of Electricity, this former official insists. But other officials and engineers, not only Iraqis but a few Americans, too, say that the Iraqi Ministry's engineers were never happy with the plan to exclude steam plants. "The Iraqis, from the beginning, wanted steam plants," declares the U.S. power-generation engineer who was there at the time. The perceived problem with steam plants, everyone agrees, was that they take three to five years to build. "Both the Iraqis and the U.S. wanted results in months (if not days) rather than years," the former CPA official writes in an e-mail. Combustion turbines can be installed in as few as 18 months. "The decisions were made based on expedience, not technical soundness," the U.S. engineer concludes. And, it seems, nobody was really thinking about how to fuel the combustion turbines. "The gas-infrastructure arguments started in late February 2004"—months after the turbines were ordered, that engineer recalls. "Prior to that, there was no champion for gas. The assumption was that there would be fuels available. It wasn't until February of '04 that they realized that there were going to be severe fuel problems." By that time, a senior CPA official, Robyn McGuckin, saw the coming crisis and tried to channel funds toward gas projects. But soon after that she went back to Washington. She continued to argue for the need to pay more attention to issues related to fuel and operations and maintenance but without, it would seem, much success. She now manages a regional electricity program in India for USAID. "We've seen this time and time again in Iraq," says the U.S. engineer. "People go home after six months, and their ideas go home with them. All these things have to be championed and driven, or they just don't get completed." Fuel, it turned out, wasn't going to be the only problem. Iraq's surging demand for electricity—growing at a rate of about 23 percent a year, according to the State Department—is partly a function of a rate structure that is, by universal agreement, unsustainable. Those Iraqis who are being billed for their electricity are paying the equivalent of a dollar a month, on average. The rate is 1 dinar— 0.07 U.S. cents—per kilowatthour for usage up to 1500 kWh in one month (average residential use is 1374 kWh a month). For comparison, Iranians, Jordanians, and Syrians pay between 1.5 and 5 cents per kilowatthour. Of the people who are being billed for electricity, roughly 65 percent are paying what they owe, the IEEE member in Iraq reports. But not nearly enough people are being billed. To begin with, 25 to 30 percent of Iraqis do not even have working meters, because the meters were damaged or vandalized before, during, or after the war. Second, some people have working meters that aren't being read because the neighborhoods are too dangerous. Still others have meters but are paying bribes to the meter readers to underreport their usage or let it go unrecorded altogether. Other users are simply stealing electricity with unauthorized connections. Between 10 percent and 25 percent of ministry-generated electricity is stolen, according to the IRMO. "We installed a third of a billion dollars' worth of turbines that can't be fueled" Because electricity is essentially free, Iraqis have responded much as you might expect: by buying and using air conditioners, television sets, and refrigerators in record numbers. "We don't even know what demand really is, because it is unconstrained by price," says Crane, the Rand economist. Until the ministry begins charging more realistic rates for electricity, he warns, "you could put a hundred billion dollars into the electrical system and not satisfy demand." With its huge oil reserves and socialistic society under Saddam, Iraq always had some of the lowest electricity rates in the region. But those low rates didn't keep pace with soaring inflation in Iraq in the 1980s and, especially, the 1990s. Under Saddam, when middle-class Iraqis made just a few dollars a month, few of them could afford refrigerators and air conditioners. Now average family income is $150 a month and a lot of people can afford appliances, as the runaway electrical demand attests. It would seem that they could afford higher rates, too. The Ministry of Electricity would have to raise rates to an average of 1 cent per kilowatthour just to cover its costs, according to the IEEE member, who has studied the issue. Why doesn't the ministry raise rates? There's no political will to do it, this member says. "No one wants to do a politically unpopular thing, because they want to be reappointed" to their government jobs. The inadequate capacity only makes the problem worse, according to the embassy source. No government official wants to raise rates at a time when the ministry is able to give Iraqis electricity only about half the time and when the government is trying to win people's trust by showing them that it can provide for their needs. There's another complicating factor here, as there always seems to be in Iraq. With electricity off in Baghdad much of the time, hundreds of entrepreneurs have rushed to fill the electrical power vacuum. They've set up diesel generators, and they're providing electricity to neighborhoods during the periods when the ministry's feeders to those neighborhoods are off. The embassy source estimates that there are some 1000 MW of connected private generation in and around Baghdad alone. It's dirty, it's dangerous, and it's of dubious legality. "People are getting electrocuted every day," the embassy source says. The operators merely run pairs of wires from each generator in a star pattern: one pair of wires for each customer. They tack the wires to the ministry's poles, creating low-hanging tangles that are now part of the landscape in most Iraqi cities . Early on a friday morning in October, I climb into one of a pair of Black Hawk helicopters idling on a pad in the Green Zone. The plan is to fly to Forward Operating Base Loyalty, an Army camp not far from Sadr City, the huge Shiite ghetto in northeast Baghdad. From FOB Loyalty we'll drive around and through Sadr City, where the PCO and USAID are funding an assortment of big electrical, water, and sewer projects. The Black Hawks lift off, and we flit over groves of palm trees, dusty villages, crumbling apartment blocks, brown canals, greenish farmland, and transmission lines. Machine gunners sitting in front of hatches on either side of the helicopter peer down over their weapons through the dusty haze hanging over the city. But for the moment, at least, all is tranquil. At FOB Loyalty we're met by Maj. Paul Ashcraft, the engineer for the Army's 2nd Brigade. Ashcraft is quietly confident and smart—he's got a bachelor's degree in electrical engineering from the U.S. Military Academy at West Point and a master's in EE from Montana State University. He didn't exactly volunteer to go to Iraq. But for career reasons he sought a leadership position in the Army's 3rd Infantry Division, knowing that if he succeeded it would mean going to Iraq. At West Point he studied analog design, microwave systems, and photonics. He could be making good money in a high-tech corridor somewhere in the United States. But here he is, far from his family, risking his life to organize the minutiae of sewage projects in a huge ghetto and even negotiating for the privilege of doing it with Sadr City's Shiite militias. Sadr City, once known as Saddam City, is one of the most densely populated places on Earth. Some 2.5 million people live within its 20 square kilometers. It is named for the Grand Ayatollah Mohammed Sadeq al-Sadr, who was killed in 1999 by agents believed to be working for Saddam Hussein. Al-Sadr's son, Muqtada al-Sadr, is the leader of the Mahdi Army, one of Iraq's most powerful militias. This is the militia that fought coalition forces in sprawling and bloody confrontations in April and August of 2004. Sadr City is now the Mahdi Army's stronghold, and the militia effectively controls civic life in the area, providing security and charity in the teeming region. The Mahdi Army generally gets credit (or blame) for most of what goes on in Sadr City—including much of the PCO- and USAID-funded reconstruction work, according to a report in The Christian Science Monitor. With nearly 10 percent of Iraq's total population, meager infrastructure, and a history of neglect under Saddam, Sadr City quickly became a cornerstone of U.S. efforts to use reconstruction to win over Iraqis. "The more they see results, the more they come over to our side," Ashcraft insists. More than half a billion dollars have been spent or pledged on reconstruction in and around Sadr City. After insurgents killed scores of workers all over Iraq, reconstruction officials adopted a policy to make projects contingent on the support of the local population. So in Sadr City, for example, they've organized a working group with local leaders for this purpose. They negotiate issues big and small—ductile pipe versus PVC, or whether an asphalt road needs a 10-centimeter base of concrete. The 2nd Brigade's officers can't say for the record that they are negotiating directly with the Mahdi Army, but it's hard to imagine they aren't. "Sometimes the negotiations are delicate," Ashcraft says simply. "But we are getting a lot of work done." They're eager to prove it to me. After a quick breakfast in the FOB Loyalty mess hall, we get a briefing on the day's tour. Besides Ashcraft and me, there will be a U.S. Army translator, three Army public-affairs officials, and 10 soldiers. We're going to see a 400-kilovolt transmission substation, some residential electrical projects just outside Sadr City in a neighborhood called Betoul, and a distribution project within Sadr City. We put on body armor and climb into four armored Humvees. There's air-conditioning, GPS navigation, VHF radios, and machine-gun turrets. We put plugs in our ears that are designed to let us converse while protecting our eardrums if we are hit by a small or perhaps a medium-size bomb. Most of us are also wearing impact-resistant goggles. The shiny new Al Ameen substation wouldn't seem out of place in Munich or Chicago. Its cavernous switch hall [see photo, "Al Ameen," above] is full of state-of-the-art gas-insulated switchgear from Schneider Electric SA, of Rueil-Malmaison, France. Started before the war under a contract with a French firm, the project was completed with $57 million from USAID. Hitting the dirt road to Betoul, we soon find our way blocked by a trash heap and have to divert for a while to a route the soldiers call Predator Road, for the past prevalence of roadside bombs there. After an uneventful ride, we pull up outside some small plaster houses in Betoul, where a new, Army-funded, $620 000 distribution system recently brought electricity to 715 houses and building lots. Children swarm the Humvees, and soldiers give out crayons, coloring books, and pads of paper. A man in a white robe and several of his teenage sons come out of their house to greet us. Through the interpreter, I ask the man if he is getting billed yet for his electricity (no) and what he has been using it for (refrigerator, air conditioners, and a television). In response to a question from Russell Goemaere, a U.S. Army major doing public relations duty, the man says that Iraqis have lately been flocking to the empty lots in the area "because they know the area has power and will soon have water as well." As I walk back to the Humvees, a child, translating for his father, asks me to take a picture of his family, which poses proudly in front of their newly electrified house. Sadr City, our next stop, is a teeming revelation. There are people out walking and shopping at countless stalls selling fruit, clothes, and housewares; with the insurgency targeting Shiites specifically at the time, the bustling street life surprises me. Later I am told that the Mahdi Army keeps such a tight rein on Sadr City that the insurgency hasn't been able to do much there. "We've heard stories of guys going into substations with guns and holding them up to distribution engineers' heads" Sadr City consists of 83 sectors, each of which is the size of about 10 city blocks. In one of them, Sector 9, where about 15 500 people live, the Army worked with the Ministry of Electricity to clear out the illegal generators and spaghettilike tangles of wire and put in a new distribution system and streetlights. It cost a little over $1.6 million. The system is built around ten 1000-kilovolt-ampere padmount transformers that step the voltage down from an 11-kV distribution system. Encouraged by the success of the project, in which the Army provided the equipment and the ministry did the work, reconstruction officials drew up plans to go sector by sector through Sadr City. With $92 million from the PCO and the tacit approval of the Mahdi Army, they plan to refurbish 68 sectors on the same model, using the exact same two-and-a-half-page parts list. Before we leave Sadr City, we spot one of the ubiquitous, probably illegal, diesel generators chugging away and leaking oil on the median in the road. We pile out of the Humvees and I take pictures of it [see photo, "Illegal Diesel Generator"], as some soldiers stand guard and others socialize in a market nearby. Pity the dispatch operators of distribution substations all over Iraq. A typical substation might have dozens of feeders, each of which might supply power to a large neighborhood. There isn't nearly enough power to keep all the feeders on at once, and it is the dispatch operator's job to turn feeders on and off in a consistent daily pattern, energizing some neighborhoods and blacking out others. By simply doing their jobs they make countless people suspicious and angry, every day. In theory, this daily pattern is set by bureaucrats at the Ministry of Electricity, who telephone or radio instructions to the substation operators. In reality, the situation is murky. "We've heard stories of guys going into substations with guns and holding them up to distribution engineers' heads and saying, 'This is what you're going to do,'" says the embassy source. "We've heard of distribution engineers' being shot." And there are other, less extreme pressures on the dispatch operators: local sheikhs, city council members, and provincial government officials have all been known to exert their influence. And, of course, bribery of operators is not inconceivable. "Guaranteed, some neighborhoods are getting 20 hours of electricity a day and others are getting 6," the embassy source says. At a substation called Farabi, near Sadr City, I get a glimpse into the nerve-racking life of one such dispatch operator. He tells us his name, but for his own safety I'm not using it here. He sits at a desk getting instructions via two multiline phones and a VHF radio, sometimes with a receiver at each of his ears. A television tuned to an Arabic news channel chatters in the corner of the room. Venetian blinds are drawn against the afternoon sun. He is on the phones or radio for essentially the entire half-hour we are there, stopping only briefly to answer our questions, through the interpreter. He's never been threatened, he tells us, but that may be because he's never told anyone exactly what he does at the substation. He does not live in a district fed by the substation. Is he aware of any bribery at the substation? "No, it is not so easy here, but it is possible in smaller substations" farther from the city, he says. Of course, an adequate power supply will eliminate most of these problems. But it is years away. The next best thing would be a nationwide control system that would let controllers manage the entire Iraqi grid from a central location. It could take the local controllers, and their susceptibility to bribes or threats, out of the loop. These centralized grid-control systems have been standard in electrical networks for decades. They are known by the acronym SCADA, for supervisory control and data acquisition. Iraq used to have one, which was built by the Swedish giant ASEA AB (now ABB Ltd., of Zurich, Switzerland) in the 1980s. But it was based on archaic minicomputers and was damaged during the first Gulf War and subsequently lost when maintenance pretty much ceased. Reconstructors are now trying to give Iraq a state-of-the-art SCADA system that will let engineers control Iraq's entire transmission system from the Electricity Ministry's building in Baghdad. The program has two parts. One is a $117 million program sponsored by the PCO and managed by the Iraq Power Alliance; it is building a system to control Iraq's 132-kV transmission network. The other part, funded by the Japanese government and managed by the UNDP, will build a system to control the country's other, 400-kV, network. One of the biggest challenges so far has been overcoming the mistrust of electricity officials in governorates far from Baghdad. After years of orchestrating blackouts so that Baghdad could have round-the-clock electricity, their allegiances are now often local rather than national. "The northern regions, in particular, are very concerned about the central region controlling their grid," explains the engineer from the Iraq Power Alliance who is heading the SCADA project. So in the Iraqi system every substation and power plant will have a switch allowing local officials to disconnect the facility from the SCADA system and run it independently. "The way forward has been to tell them, 'You can always run it as you are doing it now, and as you start feeling confident you're going to be treated fairly, you can change it to remote'" control, this engineer says. Ultimately, the SCADA system will be a "resource to give them transparency, so they can see exactly how the power is being distributed throughout the country," he adds. As it grapples with these problems, Iraq's Electricity Ministry will have to struggle with itself, too. Reconstruction and the need to fend off the insurgents have swelled the ministry's payroll to 48 000 people, 10 000 more than it had in 2003. The list includes hundreds, maybe thousands, of "ghost employees," made-up people whose paychecks are taken by someone else. Even getting a handle on the payroll is fraught with challenges. As was true under Saddam, the vast majority of people work for the government, and today, in the continuing absence of an adequate banking system, they are paid in cash. Accountability is a challenge, and the opportunities for graft are abundant. It doesn't matter much now anyway, because no one is even proposing rooting out the ghost employees, who haunt not just the Electricity Ministry but the entire government. The conventional view is that dismissing them would worsen the country's chaotic social situation. The ministry also faces a serious challenge in rebuilding a culture of maintenance that was gradually lost during the embargo years, from 1991 to 2003. The addition over the past two years of about 40 combustion turbines, which are maintenance-intensive, has mushroomed the issue into a full-blown crisis. The PCO generation specialist ticks off on his fingers the specialized skills needed to maintain combustion turbines: "aligning pumps and motors so they run smooth, balancing rotating equipment like turbine generators, alloy-tube welding, TIG welding...It's master mechanic skills down to apprenticeships, the whole millwright trade. It doesn't exist here anymore. "You can't imagine how difficult it is changing a culture back to be proficient in all these specialty areas," he goes on, weariness showing on his face. "It's going to take several 10-year generations." Reconstruction engineers began realizing the extent of the operations and maintenance problem in late 2004, when many of the plants they'd refurbished and turned over to Iraqi engineers quickly broke down because the engineers couldn't properly operate and maintain the units. Since then, USAID and PCO have put nearly $300 million into half a dozen programs aimed at schooling Iraqi engineers in operating and maintaining combustion turbines and keeping adequate stocks of spare parts (and even records of spare parts). The two organizations together expect to spend a total of $300 million to $350 million a year on operations and maintenance training for the next couple of years. The funding is part of a focused, increasingly urgent effort to prepare the Iraqi engineers for the day when they'll have to run the generators on their own. With U.S. funds available for new electrical projects dwindling into the hundreds of millions of dollars, the obstacles to a robust electricity supply system for all Iraqis are looming large. "To properly rebuild the oil infrastructure to produce fuel and revenue would cost about $20 billion," says the U.S. power engineer who is critical of the early decision to concentrate on combustion turbines. "Likewise, the electricity sector needs about $20 billion to provide enough electricity for the country." In fact, some observers have lately put just that electricity figure at $30 billion to $40 billion. "There is no solution to these problems without money, and the money is not there," the engineer concludes. To which Crane, the economist, adds: "The end of U.S. grants will be healthy, as it will force the Iraqis to take responsibility for their own operations. If the government chooses to provide power for free, with constant breakdowns, so be it." Figure 1 Who's Who Among Electrical Contractors in Iraq: A major portion of the multibillion-dollar effort to rebuild Iraq's electric generating plants is being overseen by a private contractor known as the Iraq Power Alliance. It is a global joint venture of the engineering firms WorleyParsons Ltd., of Sydney, Australia, and Parsons Brinckerhoff Ltd., of London. Under the Iraq Power Alliance, the key contractors (called "design-build" firms) include FluorAMEC LLC, Washington Group International Inc., and Perini Corp. All three were awarded essentially open-ended contracts in March 2004: FluorAMEC got the main generation-construction contract, Washington Group got transmission and distribution in northern Iraq, and Perini got transmission and distribution in the south. Bechtel National Inc., of San Francisco, also got big contracts for power-plant and other refurbishments, mostly from the U.S. Agency for International Development. Kellogg, Brown & Root, a subsidiary of Halliburton Co., has more than US $10 billion in total Iraq contracts, but little of it—$51 million—comes from electrical-sector projects. Figure 2 Who's Minding the Contractors?: If the Iraqi reconstruction is unprecedented for its scope and urgency, so, too, are its opportunities for corruption. With billions of dollars flowing around a country that was rife with corruption under its previous regime, and with civil projects being launched at a rate not seen since the end of World War II, keeping tabs on spending has proven a challenge. Much of this responsibility has fallen on Stuart W. Bowen Jr., the special inspector general for Iraq reconstruction, and his staff. He reports to both the U.S. Secretary of Defense and the Secretary of State. Over the past two years, Bowen's group has won praise for discovering—sometimes in the face of tremendous danger—such lapses as the failure to keep track of $8.8 billion transferred to the fledgling Iraqi government in 2004. A large proportion of that sum appears to have been stolen, according to news accounts. Bowen's team has also uncovered schemes in which reconstruction officials misappropriated funds, demanded kickbacks, or rigged bids. But to some watchdog groups, such as the Center for Public Integrity in Washington, D.C., the biggest contracting problem in Iraq is the prevailing contracting arrangement itself. In typical U.S. government contracts, government employees themselves administer the contracts: they oversee the work of the contractors, negotiating performance metrics and monitoring the contracted work as it goes along to make sure it meets deadlines and standards and includes all of the contractually specified features. In Iraq, however, the U.S. government chose a contracting approach in which the negotiation and oversight roles normally fulfilled by government agencies alone are being carried out by "program management" contractors—private companies, in other words—working with the U.S. Army Corps of Engineers and other government officials. Meanwhile, the role fulfilled in a typical contract by a prime contractor is being carried out in Iraq by a "design-build" contractor. Design-build contractors are concerned with the big picture and usually hire subcontractors to do specific tasks, like construction or detailed design. The arrangement has been criticized for shifting some of the responsibility for oversight and accountability to private companies, for adding another costly layer of contracting, and for opening up opportunities for conflicts of interest when contractors find themselves supervising companies they must cooperate with—or even be supervised by—elsewhere. But Karen Durham-Aguilera, director of programs for the Iraq Project and Contracting Office, one of the main U.S. government agencies working in Iraq, noted that two particular issues convinced Army officials to go with the unusual arrangement. One was the fact that most government workers are sent to Iraq for tours that last only 3, 6, or 12 months. Private contractors often stay for at least a year. So putting private contractors in a supervisory role, it was thought, would help foster continuity and stability in a tumultuous environment. Second, the expertise required of the program managers was sometimes so esoteric, especially in the oil-industry reconstruction, that the necessary expertise could not be found within the government. Figure 3 Power Corridors: For years, the cornerstones of Iraq's electricity supply were steam-thermal generating plants [green] in the south and hydroelectric plants [blue] in the north. During reconstruction, engineers added 30 combustion turbines [orange], which have proven difficult to operate in Iraq's tumultuous environment. Problems with fuel, maintenance, and operational procedures have meant that only a small fraction of Iraq's installed capacity is actually available on the grid. Baghdad, which accounts for 40 percent of Iraq's demand for electricity, gets almost half of its power from plants in the north and south of the country. Sources: Iraq Project and Contracting Office and Platts Power

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This topic is dedicatedinto the outraged Muslim reaction towards the Danish cartoons of Profit Mohammad. محمور النقاش يتعلق يال كاركاتوريات الدانيماركية عن الرسول محمد (ص)

الدكتورة وفاء سلطان Dr. Wafaa Sultan نحن بخير .. ما زال لساننا يقرقع! لقد تجوّف الرأس ولم يعد بداخله سوى لسانه، يقرقع في فراغه، مفتخراً بصوته، جاهلاً حجم جوفه! عام 1976 خرج الرئيس جمال عبد الناصر إلى الشعب العربي معلناً: قامت الطائرات العربية بدك مطار تل أبيب في عمق إسرائيل.. صدّق الشعب رئيسه ليكتشف بعد ستة أيام فقط أن الطائرات الإسرائيلية قد دمرت الجبهتين المصرية والسورية وأن ما أعلنه السيد الرئيس لم يكن بمجمله سوى قرقعة لسان! في أواخر الثمانينات، كانت سورية ترزح تحت نظام اقتصادي منهار والشعب برمته على حافة مجاعة. لم تكن حصة العائلة السورية من المؤن في الشهر تتجاوز علبتين من السردين، لتر من زيت المازولا، 2 كيلوغرام من السكر، 2 كيلوغرام من الأرز. في ذلك الحين تم افتتاح الجناح السوري في معرض دمشق الدولي تحت شعار، ((سوريا سلة خبز العالم)) !! لم تخرج شعاراتنا يوماً عن كونها قرقعة لسان! في أوائل التسعينات -كنت حديثة العهد في أمريكا- التقيت في بيت أحد الأصدقاء بالسيد إنعام الجندي. قدموه لي على أنه "مفكر عربي كبير"! لم يمض إلا زمن قصير حتى فهمت مقاييس "التفكير" لدى جاليتنا العربية.. جاء هذا المفكر الكبير إلى أمريكا محملاً بالوعود لاستقطاب أكبر عدد ممكن من المهللين والمصفقين من عرب المهجر للسيادة الصدامية. أحدث وجود هذا المفكر بوعوده البراقة في الجالية العربية شرخاً كبيراً. كل مستقطب جديد يحاول أن يتمسك برداء المفكر ويشده إلى طرفه أملاً بحصة الأسد من عطاياه! لن أدخل في دقائق حياة هذا الرجل، فحديث الجالية عن ماضيه وارتباطاته يكفي لتسليط الضوء على خلفيات كراهيته لهذا البلد الذي أكرمه وآواه ولازال يطعمه.. كان أول ما قرأت لهذا "المفكر" مقالة صغيرة نشرتها إحدى الصحف المهجرية على صفحتها الأولى تحت عنوان كبير، "سأصفق لأمريكا بالحذاء"! ألهب العنوان مشاعر الكثيرين من عرب المهجر: مازال هناك مفكر عربي يستطيع ان يصفق لأمريكا بالحذاء وهو يعيش في عقر دارها!! صفقت أمريكا لصدام وذيوله بالحذاء، ومازال "مفكرنا الكبير" يتسكع في شوارعها باحثاً عن حذاء يستر به عقله الحافي. هذا هو الفكر العربي.. لا يخرج عن كونه قرقعة لسان!! زار المناضل الأردني الإسلامي ليث شبيلات لوس أنجلوس منذ عدة سنوات، والتقى بأبناء الجالية العربية ليخطب فيهم: نحن جاهزون الآن لقيادة العالم!.. تمنيت لو ارتقى أحد من الحضور بمستوى تفكيره إلى حد السؤال: تحدث لنا يا سيدي "الليث" عن ماهية هذه الجاهزية. هل هي جاهزية عسكرية، اقتصادية، سياسية، أخلاقية، ام مجرد قرقعة لسان؟!.. سفير إحدى الدول العربية وبمناسبة عيد استقلال بلاده، التقى بعرب المهجر وخطب فيهم قائلاً: أنا فخور بكم.. أنتم نجومنا المتلألئة في سماء الغربة. يا سيدي السفير، لم يكن هدفنا يوماً أن نصبح نجوماً في سماء الغربة. كنا نحلم أن نكون مواطنين عاديين.. جداً عاديين، نأكل ونشرب ونعيش تحت سماء الوطن بكرامة.. بكرامة.. بكراااااامة يا سعادة السفير. ولكن جشعكم وقلة أدبكم وأخلاقكم وانهيار قيمكم ومثلكم وأعرافكم، والبلايين التي تدفنونها في بنوك الغرب وتحت الأرض، طاردتنا وشردتنا في أصقاع الغربة! أن أكون الثاني في قريتي-يا سعادة السفير- خير لي من أكون الأول في أمريكا!! أنا لست فخورة لأنك فخور بي، ولا أعتبر كلامك سوى قرقعة لسان! التقيت مؤخراً بمهندس عربي ودخلت معه في نقاش حاد حول الأزمة في العراق، وإذ بي أفاجأ بقوله: يا سيدتي، صدام حسين رجل عبقري لو أتيح له أن يقودنا لوصل بنا إلى بر الأمان، أنا زرت العراق وملم تماماً بقدراته العسكرية والقتالية، صدام حسين يشتري الدبابة من روسيا أو كوريا أو الصين ويصهرها في معامله ليصنع منها دبابتين. وشهقت: يا إلهي.. مع من أتحاور؟!! .. صارت حواراتنا قرقعة لسان!! مؤخراً، قام رئيس الوزراء اللبناني رفيق الحريري بزيارة إلى الكويت .. غطت الزيارة صحيفة كويتية بقولها: كان الاستقبال حافلاً وقد بدد الغيوم المتراكمة في سماء العلاقات بين البلدين إلى الحد الذي تحولت عنده المحادثات بين المسؤولين إلى سوالف. متى لم تكن محادثات المسؤولين العرب سوالفاً؟.. ومتى لم تكن سوالفهم قرقعة لسان؟!! وصلني من الصديق القارئ الأستاذ جميل يعقوب هدية ثمينة وهي عبارة عن كتاب بعنوان (يوم انحدر الجمل من السقيفة) للكاتب والمفكر السوري نبيل فياض. تعرُّفي على نبيل من خلال هذا الكتاب أثار لدي أملاً جديداً في زمن القرقعة.. ما زال هناك عربي يفكر!! الكتاب عبارة عن رد من الكاتب على الاتهامات المغرضة التي أشاعها بحقه الدكتور محمد سعيد رمضان البوطي، الأستاذ في كلية الشريعة بجامعة دمشق وعميدها الأسبق، خطيب جامع دنكز الدمشقي، وصاحب المؤلفات العديدة التي يمكن ان تعبر عن فكر طائفة السنة وعقائدها (على حد تعبير المؤلف). لن آتي على ما جاء في الكتاب، ولكني سأنقل حرفياً المقطع الأخير منه والذي يلخص الكاتب من خلاله كل ما يريد قوله: "وأما بالنسبة للألفاظ الجارحة التي يستخدمها العلامة نقول: تذكر المصادر الإسلامية المعتمدة من سيادة الشيخ أن معاوية بن أبي سفيان أحرق، عن طريق عامله معاوية بن خديج، محمد بن أبي بكر بعد قتله وإلقائه في جيفة حمار، وحتى هذه المسألة عادية بالنسبة لمعاوية وممارساته، لكن غير العادي أن تقوم أم حبيبة بنت أبي سفيان، أخت معاوية، وزوجة النبي (يعني من أمهات المؤمنين) بشي كبش وإرساله إلى أم المؤمنين الأخرى عائشة بنت أبي بكر، أخت محمد القتيل، تشفياً بقتل محمد. الأغرب من كل ذلك أن تقول أم المؤمنين عائشة (رضي الله عنها) لأم المؤمنين حبيبة (محبة التشفي): ((قاتل الله ابنة العاهرة، والله لا أكلت شواء بعده أبداً))!.. فإذا كانت هذه أخلاق وممارسات اللواتي يعتبرهن البوطي أمثولة، لا عجب إذاً أن يستخدم الشيخ ألفاظاً قد تثير اشمئزاز آخرين تربوا على أمثولات مختلفة - مختلفة بالكامل!!! أمام هدير آلة الحرب الأمريكية خمدت قليلاً القرقعة العربية. اتصلت بأختي أطمئن عليها في تلك الظروف العصيبة فردت: انتظري يا وفاء، ستكون بغداد مقبرة للأمريكان!.. - وكيف عرفت يا أختاه؟!.. - ألا تستمعين إلى الصحّاف؟!.. أغلقت السماعة وأنا أبكي!.. لم أكن أبكي على الأمريكان، بل على أختي والصحاف!. صار محمد سعيد الصحاف وزير إعلام العراق خلال تلك الحرب القصيرة الأمد نجماً تلفزيونياً عشقته ربات البيوت وبقبق الرجال مياه نراجيلهم في المقاهي العربية على أنغام قرقعاته . كان يطل بين الحين والآخر على شاشات التلفزيون: هؤلاء الأمريكان أوغاد.. أولاد حرام.. طراطير.. عكاريت.. قوادين.. علوج.. ليس لهم أثر في المطار.. سحقناهم سحقا.. هم محاصرون في أم القصر والناصرية وسينتحرون على جدار بغداد.. رامسفيلد كلب مجرم وبلير الإيـ.. لا يستحق أن يكون حذاء . بهذه اللغة كان الصحاف يمثلنا عالمياً!! سأل صحفي أمريكي مسؤولاً سعودياً عن سـر نجومية الصحاف بالرغم من ان تصريحاته عن الانتصارات العراقية لا تمت إلى الواقع بصلة. أجاب: كي تسيطر على الإنسان العربي يجب ان تجيد العزف على الوتر الشاعري في عقله، ولقد أجاد الصحاف هذه المهمة بمهارة! ويتابع الخبير السعودي قوله: الإنسان في الشارع العربي لا يجيد أصول الحديث أو فن الحوار، ولا يهمه من اللغة إلا شاعريتها حتى ولو كانت شتائماً، وبالتالي هو لا يتقن التمييز بين الوهم والحقيقة!! ما دامت أم المؤمنين تخاطب أماً أخرى للمؤمنين بلغة الشتائم وتظل أماً للمؤمنين، سيظل الصحاف -وهو أحد هؤلاء المؤمنين- يمثلنا بنفس اللغة! يقول القاص الأمريكي جان غاردنر: من المستحيل أن نكتب أفضل مما نقرأ!.. ماذا يقرأ العرب؟! يقرأون تراثاً لم يدخل عليه جديد منذ خمسة عشر قرناً! يقول تقرير التنمية الإنسانية العربية للعام 2002 إن مجموع الكتب التي ترجمت إلى العربية خلال 12 قرناً من الزمن يكاد يوازي ما تترجم إسبانيا -أقل دول أوربا تقدماً- في خلال عام واحد. ترعبني تلك الإحصائية!! كيف يستطيع الصحاف أن يخاطب العالم بلغة أفضل من اللغة التي يقرأها في كتب التراث؟! كي نبني مستقبلاً جديداً، نحتاج إلى ماض جديد، إلى لغة جديدة، إلى مفاهيم جديدة، إلى كتب جديدة، إلى قواميس جديدة على الصحاف أن يقرأ فيها تعريفاً جديداً لكلمة " قواد"، تعريفاً يقول: القواد هو الرجل المسؤول الذي يدفن بلايين الدولارات تحت الأرض بينما رعيته تموت من الجوع! .. القواد هو الرجل الذي يتغوّط في مرحاض مصنوع من الذهب الخالص بينما الأطفال في رعيته يموتون معتلين من شرب المياه الملوثة! بعد سقوط نظام صدام حسين بقليل، قام مئات الألوف من الحجاج الشيعة برحلة طويلة وشاقة سيراً على الأقدام من بغداد إلى كربلاء، للاحتفال بذكرى عاشوراء، بعد عقود من الزمن لم يسمح لهم صدام خلالها بممارسة تلك الطقوس.. عندما راقبت الحدث على شاشات التلفزيون وفي الجرائد العربية والعالمية، دخلت في حالة صدمة، ورحت أبحث بلا هوادة عن الذات العربية داخل تلك الجموع، فلم أر سوى إنساناً أنهكه الإدمان الديني. نساء يلطمن وجوههن ويضربن على صدورهن، ورجال يجلدون ظهورهم بالسياط المعدنية ويشقون فروة رؤوسهم وجلدة صدورهم بالسيوف والسكاكين . مشهد إرهابي لم أره في حياتي. هل هذا الشعب قادر على أن يحكم نفسه بنفسه؟!! هل هو قادر على تغيير حاضره وإعادة النظر في ماضيه والتوجه نحو مستقبله؟ .. أشك في ذلك! سقط هؤلاء البشر ضحية حقبة تاريخية مظلمة، وظلوا رهائن ذلك الظلام. ظلوا سجناء التركيبة الفكرية والعقائدية والنفسية لتلك الحقبة. بالنسبة لهم، توقف عقرب الزمن عن سيره، وصاروا أنفسهم خارج حدود الزمن . لم يذكر التاريخ أن سجيناً قد كسر جدران سجنه من داخله. على عابر سبيل حر أن يفعل ذلك!! قرأت كثيراً عن علماء عراقيين خبراء في الأسلحة الجرثومية والكيميائية والنووية، لكنني لم أقرأ عن عالم عربي واحد خبير في مرض الجنون الجماعي وطرق علاجه! دخل الإنسان العربي حالة من القمه العقلي والدنف الفكري. حالة تشكل خطراً - ليس عليه وحسب- بل على العالم بأسره! العالم اليوم قرية صغيرة.. ومجنون يتجول في أحد أزقتها يهدد أمن وسلامة تلك القرية بأكملها. في قانون الطب يحق للطبيب أن يصدر أمراً بالحجر القسري للمريض عندما تشكل حالته العقلية خطراً على سلامته وسلامة مجتمعه. وعلى المجتمع الدولي أن يتبنى قانوناً بحجر شعباً بكامله عندما تشكل حالته العقلية خطراً على سلامته وسلامة مجتمعه الدولي. في محاولة لتجسيد خطورة الإيمان الديني قال كارل ماركس: الدين أفيون الشعوب. كارل ماركس لم يعط الموضوع حقه، فالإدمان الديني أشد خطورة بكثير من إدمان الأفيون! أعطني شعباً مدمناً على الأفيون أعطيك الأمل بعلاجه، ولكن عندما يتحول الله نفسه إلى جرعة أفيون، فآنذاك تصبح محاولة العلاج ضرباً من الجنون! مدمن الأفيون يدرك في أعماق نفسه أن ما يفعله هو الخطأ بعينه، ولكن الأمر بالنسبة له خرج من يده، ولم يعد قادراً على أن يسيطر على إدمانه. بينما مدمن الدين مقتنع في أعماق نفسه بأن ما يفعله هو الصحيح بعينيه ولا يقبل آية محاولة لتحريره من إدمانه! الطفل الذي يراقب أمه وهي تلطم وجهها، وتضرب صدرها، أو يرى والده وهو يجلد ظهره ويشق فروة رأسه وجلدة صدره، لأن الحسين قتل منذ أربعة عشرة قرناً نتيجة لصراع سياسي وقبلي وعشائري.. لا والديه ولا أنا، ولا أحد يدري أسبابه، ولن ندريها حتى ندري أسباب الصراع بين حزب البعث في العراق وشقيقه في سورية . هذا الطفل الذي يشهد عنفاً لا يعرف أسبابه، هل سيخرج إلى الحياة رجلاً أرحم من صدام حسين وأقل بطشاً منه؟!! في زمن المقصلة الفرنسية كانوا يغطون وجه الرجل الذي يقوم بمهمة إسقاط شفرة المقصلة على رقبة المحكوم. لماذا كانوا يفعلون ذلك؟ .. كي لا يحولوا ذلك الرجل إلى سفاك دماء!! صدام حسين لم يأتينا من جزر الكناري ولم تلده أمه في غابات الكونغو كينشاسا. ولدته أمه في العراق، جده يزيد وخاله الحجاج بن يوسف الثقفي. كادت المرأة أن تلد أخاها، ومن شابه أباه ما ظلم!!! كان هارون الرشيد يأكل كل لقمة بملعقة مختلفة من الذهب الخالص تقدمها له جارية مختلفة، لكنه كان يشمر دشداشته ويقضي حاجته في العراء، وما زلنا نفتخر بهذا المجد..! ما الذي فعله صدام حسين؟! طوّر نفسه وصار يتغوّط داخل قصره.. امتد ذهبه ليشمل ملعقته ومرحاضه! لماذا نحاسب صدام قبل أن نحاسب الرشيد؟ هل قطف صدام رؤوساً أكثر عدداً من الرؤوس التي قطفها الحجاج.. قبل ان نتساءل "من صنع صدام" علينا أن نجيب على سؤال من صنع الحجاج!!.. الحاكم العربي اليوم ليس أفضل من سلفه ولن يكون خلفه أفضل منه! .. طالما نزرع نفس البزرة في نفس التربة لن نحصد من الشوك ثمراً ! أمريكا لم تصنع صدام حسين. بغداد هي التي صنعته! .. الحاكم العربي سلعة وطنية أنتجتها معاملنا وحقولنا وعقولنا وعقائدنا وطرق تربيتنا وعاداتنا وتقاليدنا، لا نستطيع ان نصنع رجلاً إلا خلال السنوات الأولى من عمره. خلال تلك السنوات، يقع الطفل العربي ضحية تربية قمعية إرهابية منافية لأخلاق وعلوم العصر! يدخل أحمد الصغير بيته فرحاً: أماه.. تلك هي بطاقتي المدرسية.. حصلت على تقدير جيد في كل المواد. وتقفز أم أحمد من مكانها: وعلي، علي أبن الجيران؟! يرد أحمد: ثلاث جيدات وثلاث وسطات! تمسك أم أحمد بطاقة أبنها وتهرع إلى بيت الجيران! رسالتها التربوية إلى أبنها تقول: لا يهمني تفوقك بقدر ما يهمني فشل علي تلك هي قيمنا التربوية. لا يعنينا من ربحنا سوى خسارة الغير، ولا يعني هذا الغير من خسارته سوى ربحنا. ألا عاشت أمة ترى في أم أحمد مثالاً حياً تتخذه لتربية أجيالها! سئل مؤخراً وزير لبناني: هل تحررتم من الطائفية بعد الحرب الأهلية؟ أجاب: نعم، ودخلنا في عصر المذهبية!! لا ينتابني أدنى شك بأن الخلاف بين عدي وقصي صدام حسين أكثر عمقاً من الخلاف بين شيعة الجنوب والسنة في بغداد، أو بين العرب والأكراد في الشمال. لم يعد خلافنا فقط على أساس طائفي أو مذهبي أو عرفي. صار على الصعيد الشخصي. لم يعد أحد فينا يقبل أحداً. صارت عين اليمين عند الإنسان تصارع عينه اليسار. تجزأ الجزء وصار الشل أشلاء!!! كنا نقرأ ونحن أطفال في كتب التراث مفتخرين بعراقتنا في الإنصاف والعدالة وحب الإسلام، كنا نقرأ قول أبي ذر الغفاري: أعجب من رجل ينام جائعاً ولا يخرج على الناس شاهراً سيفه! لماذا يخرج على الناس شاهراً سيفه؟.. لماذا لا يخرج إلى الحقل حاملاً فأسه!! إن الأمة التي تعلم أبناءها أن يأكلوا بحد السيف ستموت جوعاً! لا يمكن.. لا يمكن.. لا يمكن أن ينتصر السيف قبل ان ينتصر الفأس، وحبة القمح كي تطعمك، تتوقع منك أن تشق لها الأرض لا أن تشق رؤوس البشر! يقول نابليون بونابرت: الجندي الجائع لا ينتصر ! كانت طائرات الهليكوبتر تحلق فوق الجيوش الأمريكية المتقدمة على مشارف بغداد في مواقيت غاية في الدقة لترمي لهم الوجبات الطعامية الساخنة والمتضمنة كافة القيم الغذائية بالإضافة إلى الماء والملعقة والشوكة والمحارم الورقية المعقمة. بينما كان فدائيو صدام يقتحمون بيوت الناس علهم إذا صادفهم الحظ يعثرون على كأس من الشاي أو جرعة ماء! لقد تجوّف الرأس العربي ولم يعد بداخله سوى لسانه يقرقع في فراغه، مفتخراً بصوته، جاهلاً حجم جوفه. ويبقى السؤال: هل سينجح الأمريكان حيث فشلنا؟.. هل سينجحون في زرع دماغ داخل الرأس العربي وربط هذا الدماغ بلسانه؟ .. لست متفائلة، رغم أنني على يقين بأنهم سيكونون وفي أسوأ الأحوال أفضل من أفضل حاكم عربي!.

Sunnis are always refusing the elections, constitution, and results. Even if they participate, they want their participation in their terms ... they want the result to match their dreams and wishes .... if not they are threaten to boycot and resist or even taking their arms. Please look at the following comments by different groups involved in the last election: 15/12: Sunnis join big Iraq election turnout BAGHDAD (Reuters) - Minority Sunni Arabs swelled the turnout in Iraq's largely peaceful election on Thursday, reversing a previous poll boycott that only increased their loss of power after the fall of Saddam Hussein. With nationalist insurgents supporting the poll and even vowing to protect Sunni Arab voters, there was only sporadic violence, well below normal Iraqi levels. Turnout in 10 hours of voting was at least 10 million, or 67 percent, the head of Iraq's Electoral Commission told Reuters, much higher than the 58 percent who voted in the previous election on January 30, when most Sunni Arabs boycotted. 17/12: Sunni alliance hails Iraq election as success. "The election process succeeded ... Thank God there were only a few cases in a huge country where there is death and violence," Adnan al-Dulaimi, leader of one of the parties in the Iraqi Accordance Front, told a news conference. "The resistance did not allow any side to interfere and they stuck by their promise and we thank them in the name of the Iraqi Accordance Front," said Dulaimi, one of the fiercest critics of the Iraqi government and U.S. occupation. (REUTERS) 19/12: Partial results from Iraq election suggest factions will have to compromise Shiites took a strong lead in the early count, but may not win enough seats in parliament to form a government without a coalition partner. In the partial results released Monday for 11 of Iraq's 18 provinces, the Shiites had at least 85 parliamentary seats locked up; Allawi and the Sunni parties had at least 30 combined; and the Kurds had no fewer than 32. (Mercury News) 20/12: Shiite Alliance Leads In Partial Iraq Count. Secular Parties Failing to Win Broad Support. Election officials announced unofficial results Monday from 11 of Iraq's 18 provinces and Baghdad, the largest city, showing the Shiite alliance leading overwhelmingly in central and southern Iraq. As expected, a coalition of Kurds dominated the north, while votes from the mainly Sunni Muslim western provinces have not been reported. "These are not true results. These are forged," charged Khalaf Elayan, secretary general of the National Dialogue Council, one of the main Sunni parties. "We have our numbers that we got through our observers, and they differ from those. We have a lot of support in Baghdad. The numbers they gave cannot be true." (Washingtonpost) 21/12: Iraq election losers unite to contest result Sunni rebels, whose informal truce helped push turnout to 70 percent as insurgents pitched for a voice in the new, full-term legislature, warned they would intensify attacks if the Shi'ite Alliance held on to the lion's share of power. (REUTERS) 22/12: Despite protests, Iraq parties discuss coalition Minority Sunni Arab and secular leaders pressed publicly on Thursday for Iraq's election to be rerun, but behind the scenes they were wrangling for shares in a likely coalition government with the triumphant Shi'ites. Saad Qandeel, a senior official in SCIRI, a key component in the Shi'ite Alliance that may again win a parliamentary majority, said poll losers were simply jockeying for advantage. "What is going on is just an attempt to get more political leverage than the election results offered," he said of demands from minority parties for a new ballot. (REUTERS) 23/12: A U.N. official said he saw no need for the rerun Sunnis want, however, and Sunni leaders privately acknowledged the protests are partly aimed at gaining leverage in talks already under way on their role in a grand coalition government. (REUTERS) 23/12: Sheik Mahmoud al-Sumaidaei of the Association of Muslim scholars, a top Sunni group, told worshippers at Friday prayers that they were "living a conspiracy built on lies and forgery." "You have to be ready during these hard times and combat forgeries and lies for the sake of Islam," he said. (REUTERS) 23/12: Some Sunni Arab leaders have warned that the informal truce called by insurgents eager for a voice in parliament could end due to disappointment with what they call fraudulent results. (REUTERS) 23/12: UN rules out Iraqi election rerun : The UN says there is no reason to rerun last week's Iraqi parliamentary elections, despite complaints of fraud. The UN adviser to Iraq's election commission, Craig Jenness, said the complaints were not significant. Mr Jenness admitted the decision to hold a new election would rest with the Independent Electoral Commission of Iraq (IECI), but said he would be very surprised if that is what it did. "I don't see anything that would necessitate a rerun," Mr Jenness told Reuters. "There have been around 1,500 complaints, which the commission is in the process of examining, but out of 30,000 ballot boxes that's not such a big number." (BBC)

This my forecast to the national assembly [Province] [seats] [shia Lists] [Kurds] [sunnis] [Alawi] [Others] Baghdad 59 35 1 11 12 0 Basrah 16 13 0 2 1 0 Naynawa 19 3 3 10 3 0 Anbar 9 0 0 9 0 0 SalahDin 8 2 0 6 0 0 Diala 10 4 2 4 0 0 Karkuk 9 2 4 3 0 0 Karbala 6 6 0 0 0 0 Najaf 8 8 0 0 0 0 Babil 11 8 0 1 2 0 Quadisyia 8 8 0 0 0 0 Muthanna 5 5 0 0 0 0 Thi-Qar 12 12 0 0 0 0 Maysaan 7 7 0 0 0 0 Wasit 8 6 0 1 1 0 Duhuk 7 0 7 0 0 0 Erbil 13 0 13 0 0 0 Slaymania 15 0 15 0 0 0 Regional 230 119 45 47 19 0 Nationwide 275 137 52 54 22 10 50% 19% 20% 8% 4% Shia lists could contain 555 + 569 and other x-National Allience List in the past election. Time will tell

اشكر الأخ او الأخت الذي نشر القانون الأنتخابي المقرر من الجمعية الوطنية. واظن ان الأختلاف مع ما نشرته اول مرة هو انني اعنمدت نص مشروع القانون وليس الصيغة النهائية فمعذرة على الخطأ الغير مقصود. ورغم ذلك فانني اعتقد ان الأفكار الرئيسية لميكانيكية الأنتخابات هي ذانها. وانني سوف لقوم بمراجعة جميع الأمثلة المنشورة لتدقيقها

المشكلة الأولى: تفسير النقطة المادة 17 ثالثا: يبدأ توزيع المقاعد التعويضية على الكيانات التي لم تحصل على تمثيل في الدوائر الانتخابية بشرط حصولها على ( المعدل الوطني. يعني بالتي لم "تحصل على تمثيل" بمن لم يأخذوا اي مقعد في اية دائرة. اذا تم التفسير على هذا الأساس فاننا سننتهي بعدد مقاعد في البرلمان اكثر من 275 .

السؤال : هل ان المعدل الوطني هو ناتج عن تقسيم عدد المصوتين في عموم الوطن على 275 ام 45 ؟ الجواب: عودة الى المادة 17 توزع المقاعد التعويضية حسب ماياتي:- اولا: يقسم مجموع الأصوات الصحيحة في العراق على عدد مقاعد مجلس النواب للحصول على (المعدل الوطني). ثانيا: يقسم مجموع الأصوات التي حصل عليها كل كيان على (المعدل الوطني ) لتحديد عدد المقاعد التي تخصص له. ثالثا: يبدأ توزيع المقاعد التعويضية على الكيانات التي لم تحصل على تمثيل في الدوائر الانتخابية بشرط حصولها على ( المعدل الوطني ان التقسيم على 275 وليس 45

السؤال المطروح : لو لم يحصل اي من الكيانات السياسية في تلك المحافظة القاسم الأنتخابي فما هو الحل: الجواب : كل الكيانات ستحصل على 0 مقعد ثم يتم توزيع المقاعد على قاعدة الباقي الأقوى اي ان الأعلى سيحصل على مقعد واحد ثم الذي يليه والذي يليه الى آخر مقعد

لكل كيان سياسي او تجمع قائمة واحدة يستطيع التنافس بها على الدوائر الأنتخابية المتعددة وتعتبر القائمة التعويضية لأغراض الأنتخاب العام والخارجي. المثال الخامس: قائمة المؤتمر العراقي 569 ضمن هذه القائمة يقدم الكيان السياسي تسلسل الأسماء حسب الدوائر الأنتخابية ولتكن كالتالي: بغداد 1 المرشح الأول 2 المرشح الثاني 3 المرشح الثالث .... وهكذا البصرة 1 المرشح الأول 2 المرشح الثاني 3 المرشح الثالث .... وهكذا الكوت 1 المرشح الأول 2 المرشح الثاني 3 المرشح الثالث .... وهكذا الى بقية المحافظات ملاحظة: لايمكن للمرشح الواحد الترشيح لأكثر من محافظة ثم تأتي القائمة التعويضية 1 المرشح الأول 2 المرشح الثاني 3 المرشح الثالث .... وهكذا السؤال: لم يحدد قانون الأنتخاب استطاعة اي من المرشحين في القوائم من تكرار تواجده في القائمة التعويضية فقط، اي ان د احمد الجلبي مثلا يستطيع ان يكون على رأس القائمة التعويضية لضمان حصوله على المقعد من اصوات عموم البلد بما فيهم اصوات الخارج. المنطق يحتم الأيجاب.

المثال الرابع : شرح المقاعد التعويضية لحالة الأقليات حالها حال اي من الكيانات السياسية تستطيع الأقليات العرقية والدينية في العراق التنافس على الدوائر الأنتخابية. ولكن حظوظها ستكون قليله. ولكن اذا استطاع الكيان الفلاني وليكن الاتحاد الأشوري المستقل الحصول على 65000 صوت على عموم العراق و لنفترض التالي: عدد الأصوات الصحيحة في عموم العراق : 10000000 صوت حسب المادة 17 اولا فان المعدل الوطني هو 10000000 الى 275 اي بواقع 36363 صوت لكل مقعد. قائمة المقاعد التعويضية للأتحاد الأشوري المستقل ستأخذ مقعد واحد على الأقل.

المثال الثالث: شرح المقاعد التعويضية: تتنافس كل الكيانات السياسية على المقاعد التعويضية. لنفترض التالي عدد الأصوات الصحيحة في عموم العراق : 10000000 صوت حسب المادة 17 اولا فان المعدل الوطني هو 10000000 الى 275 اي بواقع 36363 لكل مقعد لنأخذ المثال الثاني اعلاه ولنفترض ان الكيانات السياسية في القوائم المذكورة هي ممثلة في تلك المحافظة فقط كأن تكون ضمن عشيرة معينة او طائفة. فان القوائم التالية والتي حرمت من اخذ مقعد ضمن المحافظة ستأخذ مايلي: كيان القائمة 1 : 70000 صوت – 1 مقعد تعويضي على الأقل كيان القائمة 2 : 60000 صوت – 1 مقعد تعويضي على الأقل كيان القائمة 4 : 45000 صوت – 1 مقعد تعويضي كيان القائمة 5 : 30000 صوت – 0 مقعد تعويضي كيان القائمة 6 : 70000 صوت – 1 مقعد تعويضي على الأقل كيان القائمة 7: 35000 صوت – 0 مقعد تعويضي

المثال الثاني المحافظة : ديالى عدد الناخبين المسجلين : 600000 ناخب عدد المصوتين : 500000 مصوت النتائج هي كالتالي : القائمة 1 : 70000 صوت القائمة 2 : 60000 صوت القائمة 3 : 190000 صوت القائمة 4 : 45000 صوت القائمة 5 : 30000 صوت القائمة 6 : 70000 صوت القائمة 7: 35000 صوت النتائج هي كالتالي: - لنفرض ان عدد المقاعد المخصصة للمحافظة هي 6 مقاعد اي بواقع مقعد واحد لكل 100000 منتخب - حسب المادة 16 اولا : القاسم الأنتخابي هو 500000 الى 6 وهو 83333 صوت - حسب المادة 16 ثانيا : القائمة 1 : 70000 صوت – 0 مقعد القائمة 2 : 60000 صوت – 0 مقعد القائمة 3 : 190000 صوت – 2 مقعد والباقي 23333 صوت القائمة 4 : 45000 صوت – 0 مقعد القائمة 5 : 30000 صوت – 0 مقعد القائمة 6 : 70000 صوت – 0 مقعد القائمة 7: 35000 صوت – 0 مقعد حسب المادة 16 ثالثا : يكون توزيع 4 مقاعد متبقية على طريقة الباقي الأقوى القائمة 3: الباقي 23333 صوت – 4 مقعد النتائج النهائية : القائمة 3 : 6 مقعد

سيخصص الموضوع لشرح امثلة وتفاصيل. يرجى العلم ان جميع الأمثلة هنا هي غير حقيقية ولكن لأجل الفهم: المثال الأول: المحافظة : صلاح الدين عدد الناخبين المسجلين : 700000 ناخب عدد المصوتين : 500000 مصوت النتائج هي كالتالي : القائمة 1 : 80000 صوت القائمة 2 : 50000 صوت القائمة 3 : 120000 صوت القائمة 4 : 110000 صوت القائمة 5 : 30000 صوت القائمة 6 : 77000 صوت القائمة 7: 33000 صوت النتائج هي كالتالي: - لنفرض ان عدد المقاعد المخصصة للمحافظة هي 7 مقاعد اي بواقع مقعد واحد لكل 100000 منتخب - حسب المادة 10 أ : الكوتا الأنتخابية هي 500000 الى 7 وهو 71428 صوت - حسب المادة 10 ب : القائمة 1 : 80000 صوت – 1 مقعد والباقي 8571 صوت القائمة 2 : 50000 صوت – 0 مقعد القائمة 3 : 120000 صوت – 1 مقعد والباقي 48571 صوت القائمة 4 : 110000 صوت – 1 مقعد والباقي 38571 صوت القائمة 5 : 30000 صوت – 0 مقعد القائمة 6 : 77000 صوت - 1 مقعد والباقي 5571 صوت القائمة 7: 33000 صوت – 0 مقعد حسب المادة 10 ج : يكون توزيع 3 مقاعد متبقية على طريقة الباقي الأقوى ( أعلى الأصوات المتبقية) القائمة 1 : الباقي 8571 صوت – 1 مقعد القائمة 3 : الباقي 48571 صوت – 1 مقعد القائمة 4 : الباقي 38571 صوت – 1 مقعد القائمة 6 : الباقي 5571 صوت – 0 مقعد النتائج النهائية : القائمة 1 : 2 مقعد القائمة 3 : 2 مقعد القائمة 4 : 2 مقعد القائمة 6 : 1 مقعد

ملاحظة مسجلة في 29 نوفمبر: نم تحديث هذا الجزء من الموضوع والملون بالأحمر بالرجوع الى القانون النهائي المقرر من الجمعية الوطنية والمنشور في ادناه عن موقع الجيران. عن قانون الأنتخابات ========================= الفصل الثاني مقاعد مجلس النواب المادة (6) يتكون مجلس النواب من (275)عضواً ينتخبون من خلال انتخابات سرية وعامة ومباشرة وفقاً للبنود الواردة في هذا القانون والقواعد الصادرة عن المفوضية العليا المستقلة للانتخابات. المادة (7) كل محافظة دائرة انتخابية واحدة وفقاً للحدود الأدارية الرسمية حالياً. المادة (8) أ- يتم انتخاب (230) عضواًً بمجلس النواب من (18) محافظة بينما يتم تخصيص (45) مقعداً الباقية كمقاعد تعويضية. ب- توزع (230) مقعداً على المحافظات وفقاً لنسبة عدد الناخبين المسجلين في كل محافظة. المادة (9) تمنح المقاعد الموزعة لكل كيان سياسي للمرشحين بنفس الترتيب الوارد في القائمة. الفصل الثالث توزيع مقاعد المحافظات والمقاعد التعويضية المادة (10) يوزع على كل كيان مقاعد المحافظة نسبياً بناء على عدد الناخبين الذين صوتوا في كل محافظة وفقاً للآلية التالية: أ- يقسم العدد الإجمالي للناخبين في الدائرة الانتخابية على عددالمقاعد المخصصة لهذه الدائرة من اجل الحصول على المعدل المتوسط للأصوات لمقعد واحد (الكوتا الانتخابية). ب- يقسم العدد الإجمالي للأصوات لكل كيان على الكوتا لتحديد عدد المقاعد التي تخصص لكل كيان. ج- بعد توزيع المقاعد على الكيانات المتنافسة تخصص المقاعد المتبقية المخصصة لتلك الكيانات التي لها اكبر عددمن الاصوات غير المخصصة للمقاعد(أعلى الأصوات المتبقية). المادة (11) توزع المفوضية (45) مقعداً تعويضياً حسب مايلي: أ- العددالإجمالي للأصوات يقسم على (275) من اجل تحديد الكوتا الانتخابية. ب- عددالأصوات لكل كيان يقسم على الكوتا الانتخابية. ج- يخصم عددالمقاعد التي حصلت عليها تلك الكيانات والمخصصة على مستوى المحافظة من عدد الناتج في الفقرة (ب). د- يخصص للكيانات مقاعد تعويضية تتناسب مع الرقم الناتج في الفقرة(ج). هـ- في حالة عدم توفر مقاعد تعويضية كافية يبدأ اجراء التوزيع على الكيانات الدينية التي تم ذكرها في الدستور الدائم وهي المسيحية واليزيدية والصائبة المندائية التي لم تحصل على تمثيل على مستوى المحافظة ولكن يجب ان يلبي الكوتا الانتخابية في الفقرة(ب) ويكون العددالاقصى من هذه المقاعد(5) وتحدد وفقاً لعدد الاصوات التي حصلت عليها ويمنح التوازن الى الكيانات المتبقية بالتناسب مع استحقاقها من مقاعد الحصة التعويضية الواردة في الفقرة (ج .

أعزائي القراء Dear All , لقد سمعنا وقرأنا جميعا عن فيروس أنفلونزا الطيور وكيف أن هذا الوباء قد تفشى في عدد من البلاد مهددا بكارثة وكيف أنه حصد أرواح الكثير وهذا دفعني أن أصدر هذا العدد من المجلة الطبية عن هذا الفيروس طبيعته وكيف يمكن التقاط العدوى وما هي الخطوات التي يجب إتباعها منذ الآن لنكون على استعداد في حال وصول هذا الفيروس إلى منطقتنا لا قدر الله After what has been read and heard about the Bird Flu outbreak and the escalated death rates worldwide and the concern of many has prompted me to give an alert bulletin of the nature of the virus and how the virus could be contracted by humans and how to be prepared just in case - we all hope not - of its spread . مع تمنياتي لكم بوافر الصحة ، Regards, =============================================== مما لا شك فيه أن أنفلونزا الطيور أو كما يخشاه البعض من أن يكون طاعون العصر قد انتشر في عدد من البلاد وأصبح خطرا يهدد العالم بأكمله منذرا بكارثة قد لا يحمد عقباها و يعتقد بأن سبب الإصابة هو نتيجة التعرض المباشر للطيور المصابة أو ملامسة أسطح ملوثة بهذا الفيروس وبالتالي تنتقل العدوى بعد ملامسة الفرد لعينه أو فمه أو أنفه أو كما يفعل الأطفال لعق أصابعهم أو فرك الأعين The current outbreak of avian influenza—popularly known as bird flu—in a number of countries is looming as a major international health crisis. It is believed that most cases of bird flu infection in humans have resulted from contact with infected poultry or contaminated surfaces, by touching of germs and then touching their mouth, nose, eating, licking of their fingers and rubbing their eyes. دعونا نتوغل في حقائق كل ما كتب أو سمع عن هذا الفيروس ونتعرف على كيفية انتقال العدوى وكيف يمكن حماية أنفسنا عن طريق طرح بعض الأسئلة التي تجول بخاطرنا والإجابة عليها Let us take an inside look about Bird Flu, what it is ? Where it is originated and how to protect ourselves and many other frequently asked questions with answers. ما هي أنفلونزا الطيور ؟ What is the "bird flu"? أنفلونزا الطيور هو نوع من أنواع العدوى الفيروسية والتي تصيب وتنتشر بين الطيور وتعتبر الطيور البرية هي مصدر ومأوى لهذا الفيروس وانتقاله خاصة في فترات هجرة الطيور حيث أنها تكون في بعض الأحيان حاملة له في أحشائها دون الإصابة به ولكنها تتسبب في انتقال الفيروس وتفشيه بين الكتاكيت والبط والديوك و تؤدى إلى قتلها ولم تكن فيما مضى تنقل عدواها إلى البشر.إنما كانت محصورة بين الطيور ، وتعتبر الطيور المائية أيضا المسئول الأول لبدء انتشار العدوى وانتقالها إلى الطيور الداجنة Bird flu is an infection caused by avian (bird) influenza (flu) viruses. These flu viruses occur naturally among birds. Wild birds worldwide carry the viruses in their intestines, but usually do not get sick from them. However, bird flu is very contagious among birds and can make some domesticated birds, including chickens, ducks, and turkeys, very sick and kill them Wild waterfowl can also be responsible for the primary introduction of infection into domestic poultry كيف تنتقل وتنتشر أنفلونزا الطيور؟ How is avian influenza spread? كما وضحنا عاليه بأن بعض الطيور تلعب دور الحامل لهذا الفيروس وتلك الطيور تنشر الفيروس عبر لعابها أو الافرازات الناتجة من الأنف أو عن طريق فضلاتها فيتم انتقاله وانتشاره عند الاختلاط بالطيور المصابة به Certain birds act as hosts of influenza viruses. Infected birds shed virus in saliva, nasal secretions and feces. Avian influenza viruses spread to susceptible birds when they have contact with contaminated nasal, respiratory and fecal material from infected birds. هل يمكن انتقال فيروس الأنفلونزا من الطيور إلى الإنسان؟ Can the avian influenza be spread to humans from infected birds? كانت هناك حالات نادرة من إصابة الإنسان بأنفلونزا الطيور وطرق ومراحل انتقال الفيروس من الطيور إلى الإنسان مازالت غير معلومة ولكن من الواضح أنه حدثت طفرة في التكوين الجيني والوراثي لهذا الفيروس مكنته من نقل العدوى من الطيور المصابة به إلى الإنسان و هناك أيضا تأكيدات بأن سبب الإصابة هو التعرض المباشر للطيور الحية والمصابة بهذا الفيروس عبر إفرازاتها المخاطية كاللعاب أو الإفرازات بشكل عام وفضلاتها In rare instances, people can contract avian influenza. The exact mode of transmission from birds to people is not known, but it is obvious that it has mutated and developed the ability to pass from birds to human but most human cases of avian flu have been traced to direct contact with live infected birds or their dropping هل هناك احتمال انتقال أنفلونزا الطيور عن طريق أكل الدجاج أو البيض؟ Is it possible to get the bird flu from eating chicken or eggs? والإجابة على هذا السؤال هو لا ولكن بشرط ضرورة طهي اللحوم والتأكد من نضجها نضجا تاما حيث ثبت أن هذا الفيروس يمكن قتله إذا ما تم طهي اللحوم و لحوم الدجاج أو البيض نضجا تاما وما قد يغفله البعض بأن هذا الفيروس قد يعيش في اللحوم النيئة و المنقولة له من الطيور المصابة لذا نؤكد وننصح بعدم تناول أي لحوم حمراء أو بيضاء ما لم يتم نضجها نضجا تاما أما بالنسبة للبيض لا يستحب أكل البيض نىء أو غير ناضج بشكل تام أو كما يأكله البعض ونسميه برشت ومن أهم المبادىء الصحية التي يجب الالتزام بها هو غسل اليدين وتطهير جميع الأسطح المستخدمة عند تقطيع اللحوم كما ننصح عدم التواجد في أماكن تربية الطيور وأسواق البيع حيث من السهل لهذا الفيروس من أن يعلق في الشعر والملابس كما يمكن دخوله إلى جسم الإنسان عن طريق الاستنشاق No -- if the meat is fully cooked. Cooking kills flu viruses in poultry, meat, and eggs. The bird flu virus can survive on raw meat from infected poultry. It is also unsafe to eat undercooked poultry or consume raw eggs. or lightly cooked egg products (such as runny eggs). Proper hygiene -- hand washing and the disinfecting of all surfaces that come in contact with the meat -- is essential. It is also recommended to avoid unnecessary contact with live poultry. This includes markets where live birds are sold, as it is possible for the avian influenza virus to stick to hair and clothing, and it may also be inhaled هل يمكن انتقال عدوى أنفلونزا الطيور من شخص إلى آخر؟ Is it possible for this form of influenza to spread from person to person? حتى اليوم لم يثبت احتمال انتقال هذا النوع من أنفلونزا الطيور من شخص إلى آخر ولكن هذا الفيروس قد يتمحور و تختلف صفاته الوراثية بحيث يصبح فيروس يسهل انتقاله من فرد إلى آخر فهناك احتمال بدخول فيروس أنفلونزا الطيور إلى جسم الفرد المصاب بأنفلونزا الإنسان ومن هنا يكتسب صفات جينية جديدة من أنفلونزا الإنسان ، هذا الخلط بين النوعين قد يتسبب في خلق نوع آخر من أنواع الأنفلونزا الشرسة At this time, there is no evidence that the current strain of avian influenza in Asia is spread directly from person to person. However, it is possible that the virus could change so that it could spread easily from person to person. If a person, who is sick with human influenza, was exposed to avian influenza, there is a possibility that the avian influenza virus could acquire human influenza genes. This "mixing" could result in the creation of a new subtype of the influenza virus. ولان هذه الأنواع من الفيروسات عادة لا تصيب الإنسان لذا لا يوجد مناعة أو حماية ضده في جسم الإنسان ولهذا فانه في حالة دخول هذا الفيروس إلى جسم الإنسان قد يتمحور ويكتسب صفات أخرى وبهذا يصبح سهل انتقاله من شخص إلى آخر وبالتالي يصبح وباء يهدد بكارثة ولكن الحمد لله حتى يومنا هذا لا توجد دلائل بحدوث هذا الافتراض Because these viruses do not commonly infect humans, there is little or no immune protection against them in the human population. If an avian virus were able to infect people and gain the ability to spread easily from person to person, an “influenza pandemic” could begin. There is currently no evidence that this is happening. ما هي أعراض الإصابة بأنفلونزا الطيور ؟ What are the signs and symptoms of avian influenza? أعراض الإصابة بأنفلونزا الطيور في الإنسان تتلخص في الشعور بذات أعراض الأنفلونزا التي كثيرا ما نتعرض لها من ارتفاع في درجة الحرارة، السعال، التهاب الحلق وآلام في العظام و يمكن أيضا الإصابة بالتهاب في العين، مع احتمال حدوث بعض المضاعفات التي تسبب التهابا رئويا أو مشاكل في الجهاز التنفسي أو نزلة شعبية أو أي أعراض أخرى خطيرة تشكل تهديدا على الحياة. The symptoms of avian influenza in humans range from typical influenza-like symptoms (e.g., fever, cough, sore throat and muscle aches) to eye infections, pneumonia, acute respiratory distress, viral pneumonia, and other severe and life-threatening complications. هل يعتبر أنفلونزا الطيور مرضا قاتلا؟ Is the bird flu deadly? السلالة الحالية من أنفلونزا الطيور والتي تنتشر بسرعة فائقة في آسيا و بعض البلدان الأخرى أصبحت شرسة و قاتلة فحوالي ثلثي المصابون بهذا الفيروس قد يتعرضون للموت بسببها The current strain of “bird flu” circulating in Asia can be deadly. About two-thirds of infected people can die from this strain. كيف يتم الإصابة بأنفلونزا الطيور؟ How do you catch bird flu? ثبت أن الأفراد الذين أصيبوا بأنفلونزا الطيور هم الذين يتعاملون مع الطيور المصابة بصورة مباشرة مثل المجازر وأسواق البيع أو الذين يقومون بعملية تنظيف الأحشاء أو أولئك الأفراد الذين تعرضوا لأسطح ملوثة بفضلات الطيور .....و هناك شك بوجود حالات انتقال العدوى من شخص إلى آخر وعادة لا يحدث هذا إلا في حالات التعرض و لفترة طويلة وبصفة مباشرة أي وجها لوجه مع الأفراد المصابون بهذا الفيروس ولكن نحمد الله بأنه حتى الآن لم يتعلم هذا الفيروس التمحور ليصبح فيروس ينتقل من فرد إلى آخر People have caught bird flu from handling infected poultry and from surfaces contaminated with poultry feces. There are a few suspected cases of human-to-human bird flu transmission. This happened only after prolonged face-to-face contact. But bird flu has not learned how to spread easily from person to person. من هم أكثر الأفراد عرضة للإصابة بهذا الفيروس؟ Who is most vulnerable to bird flu? الأنفلونزا بصفة عامة هي خطر على الأطفال وكبار السن ولكن كثيرا ما يعتمد هذا على درجة مناعة الجسم Flu is usually most dangerous to young children and to the elderly. But a lot depends on whether there's any immunity to the flu لماذا لا نمنح أنفسنا الحماية !! Why not protect yourself! فجهاز المناعة هو جهاز معقد جدا وهناك تفاعلات عديدة بين مختلف أجهزة الجسم عامة والغدد والخلايا بالإضافة إلى كيمائية الجسم ....هذه السيمفونية من التفاعلات تحتاج إلى تغذية صحيحة لكي تعمل بكفاءة عالية ونحن اليوم وفى هذا العصر الذي نعيش فيه والمليء بالأمراض نحتاج إلى تعزيز جهاز المناعة وتقويته لمواجه هذا الكم من الأمراض لهذا لابد من الاعتماد على العناصر الغذائية الهامة والتي تعتبر ذات مفعول أقوى من الأدوية لتعزيز جهاز المناعة وقهر الأنفلونزا حتى قبل ظهور أعراضها. Your immune system is an incredibly complex interaction between organs, glands, body systems, surfaces, cells and chemicals in the body. This symphonic concert of processes requires proper nourishment in order to function optimally. And in today's world, we want the best possible immunity from the multitude of diseases we are facing, many of which have been, until now, unknown. Relying on nutrients and natural substances that are more powerful than drugs in activating your immune system is more effective so that it can conquer the flu before you even feel symptoms. كن مستعدا واعمل على تحسين صحتك وقم بتعزيز جهاز المناعة ضد أنفلونزا الطيور Get healthy now to prepare your immune system for bird flu لاحظ بأنك لا تستطيع من تحسين جهاز المناعة خلال 24 ساعة ولا يمكن أن تغير من نظام غذائك اليوم وتنتظر أن تكون صحيح البدن والمناعة في اليوم التالي أو الأسبوع التالي أو حتى الشهر التالي فاكتساب الصحة يحتاج إلى وقت وتحضير قد تمتد إلى أشهر لقد حان الوقت لتحدث تغييرا شاملا في حياتك ونظام معيشتك لتصبح مستعدا في حال انتشار هذا الوباء- لا قدر الله - وعلى أي حال من الأحوال فالمكسب هو وافر الصحة وجهاز مناعي صحي. You can't reform your immune system in 24 hours. You can't just change your diet one day and expect to be healthier the next day or the next week or even the next month. It takes many months of healthy eating and wise lifestyle choices to make strong, lasting changes in your health and immune system function. You'd better start now if you want to be in peak health by the time the bird flu virus comes around. And, in the worst case, if you were wrong, if you prepared for nothing, then you will at least have a healthy immune system even if there's no bird flu virus أهم المأكولات المقاومة للفيروسات والمفيدة لجهاز المناعة The top antiviral foods and nutrients enhancing immunity العنب الأحمر له خاصية مقاومة البكتريا والفيروسات وأيضا مضاد للأكسدة Red Grapes. antibacterial. antioxidant. Antiviral الــــــــتوت مضاد للفيروسات وغنى بفيتامين سى ومضاد قوى للأكسدة و مانع لتمحور الخلايا والتي تؤدى إلى الإصابة بالسرطان كما أنه غنى بالألياف Berries. antiviral., rich in vitamin c. powerful antioxidant. prevents cell mutations that can lead to cancer. high in fiber. التوت البرى مضاد للبكتريا والفيروسات Cranberry. antibiotic. antiviral الـفـــــراولة وهى مضادة للفيروسات ومضادة للسرطان وقد تلاحظ أن الأفراد الذين داوموا على تناولها بصفة مستمرة تنخفض لديهم احتمالات الإصابة بأي نوع من أنواع السرطانات Strawberry. Antiviral, anti-cancer activity. Often eaten by people less likely to develop all types of cancer. الـتفــــــاح مضاد للبكتريا والالتهابات ومضاد للأكسدة وغنى بالألياف الصلبة والغير صلبة وقشره يحتوى على مادة كريستين المفيدة كما أنه مفيد في خفض معدلات الكوليسترول بالدم وله أيضا خاصية تمنع الإصابة بالسرطان Apple. antibacterial. anti-inflammatory. antioxidant. antiviral. rich in soluble and insoluble fiber. the peel contains quercitin. lowers cholesterol. cancer prevention properties. الأنـانــاس مقاوم للبكتريا ومضاد للفيروسات ومضاد للالتهابات ويساعد على الهضم Pineapple. antibacterial. antiviral. anti-inflammatory. aids digestion الــبرقوق ( القراصيا) له خاصية مقاومة البكتريا والفيروسات كما أنه يعتبر ملين Plum. Antibacterial. Anti-viral. Laxative. البصل له خاصية مقاومة البكتريا والالتهابات ومضاد قوى للفيروسات و مانع للسرطان و مفيد لحالات الحساسية ولحالات الربو والبرد ويمكن تمريره على لدغه الحشرات لتخفيف الشعور بالحكة Onion antibiotic. anti-inflammatory. antiviral powerful antioxidant. cancer prevention properties. good for allergies. asthma. colds. infections. rub on insect bite to relieve itching الــثوم وهو نوع من المأكولات التي تتعدد فوائده فيمكن استخدامه كمضاد حيوي طبيعي ومضاد للفطريات ومضاد للأكسدة ومضاد للفيروسات ومقاوم للالتهابات ويقوى جهاز المناعة وخافض للكوليسترول والضغط والسكر ومفيد لحالات الربو والبرد والسعال وقد يمنع الإصابة بالأورام و يقلل من فرص انتشارها Garlic. a wonder food. antibiotic. antifungal. antioxidant. antiviral. anti-inflammatory. strengthens immune system. lowers blood cholesterol. lowers blood pressure. lowers blood sugar levels. blood thinner. good for asthma. for colds and coughs. may prevent tumors and inhibit the growth of tumors فول الصويا مضاد للأكسدة ومضاد للفيروس ويحتوى على هرمون الاستروجين الطبيعي كما أنه له خاصية تفيد في خفض من مستوى الكوليسترول بالدم Soybean. antioxidant. antiviral. estrogen hormone properties. lowers blood cholesterol الزبـــادي وهو من الأغذية المفيدة وله خاصية مقاومة للبكتريا ومضاد للأكسدة ويقوى جهاز المناعة Yogurt. a wonderful wonder food. antibacterial. antioxidant. strengthens immune system المشروم يقوى جهاز المناعة ويمنع انتشار السرطان ولأفضل استفادة من مكوناته يفضل تناوله مطهوا وليس نيئا Mushrooms. strengthens immune system. block tumor growth. eat mushrooms for the best benefit. cooked. not raw العسل الأبيض بمثابة مضاد حيوي طبيعي و يساعد في التئام الجروح ومعالج لبكتريا الأمعاء كما أنه قد يستخدم كمهدئ طبيعي وننصح بتناوله بكثرة في مأكولاتنا وفى النحلية بدلا من السكر الذي من أثاره الجانبية جمح جهاز المناعة Honey. antibiotic. wound healing. treatment for intestinal bacteria. sedative. use sparingly. sugars suppress the immune system الـــــــذرة مضادة للأكسدة والفيروسات Corn. antioxidant. antiviral القرنبيط مضاد للأكسدة والفيروسات وخافض للكوليسترول كما أنه يحتوى على ألياف وله خاصية حماية الجسم من السرطانات لما يحتويه من مركبات وخاصة لأولئك الأفراد الذين يعتمدون على هرمون الاستروجين والسيدات المصابات بسرطان الثدي Cauliflower. antioxidants. antiviral. lowers cholesterol. fiber. cancer prevention properties. especially for estrogen dependent breast cancers الجزر مضاد للأكسدة والفيروسات وبه ألياف وغنى بالبيتاكاروتين ويقوى جهاز المناعة Carrot. antioxidant. antiviral. fiber. high in beta carotene. strengthens immune system الكرنب بجميع أنواعه والخس مقاوم للبكتريا ومضاد للأكسدة كما أنه يعتبر عنصر هام لمنع الإصابة بالسرطان . Cabbage. antibacterial. antioxidant. antiviral. in the cabbage family. and bok choy are the best sources for cancer prevention properties البروكلى مضاد للأكسدة والفيروسات ويخفض من مستوى الكوليسترول بالدم ويحتوى على ألياف وله خاصية حماية الجسم من السرطان وخاصة بالنسبة لأولئك الأفراد الذين يعتمدون على هرمون الاستروجين و مفيد كذلك بالنسبة للسيدات المصابات بسرطان الثدي Broccoli. antioxidants. antiviral. lowers cholesterol. fiber. cancer prevention properties. especially for estrogen dependent breast cancers. الشعير عرف منذ قديم الزمان في منطقة الشرق الأوسط بأنه دواء القلب و يفيد في خفض معدلات الكوليسترول كما أنه له مفعول مضاد للفيروسات و مضاد للسرطان ويحتوى على مضادات فعالة للأكسدة Barley. Long known as a "heart medicine" in the Middle East. Reduces cholesterol. Has anti-viral and anti-cancer activity. Contains potent antioxidants نصائح عامة General Advices · تجنب الاختلاط بالطيور البرية أو الداجنة مثل الكتاكيت والبط والاوز ولا تذهب إلى مزارع الدواجن أو أسواق البيع · Avoid contact with wild or domesticated birds such as chickens, ducks and geese. Don't go to farms or market places. · احرص على تعليم أطفالك عدم وضع الأشياء أو أصابعهم في الفم لأنها قد تكون ملوثة · Stop young children from putting contaminated objects or their own fingers into their mouths. · قشر البيض الخارجي قد يكون ملوثا بفضلات الطيور لذلك ننصح بغسل البيض جيدا قبل كسره واحرص على غسل اليد بعد استعمال البيض أو بعد تقطيع و إعداد اللحوم والطيور · Eggshells may be contaminated with bird faeces. Wash eggs thoroughly before breaking and wash your hands thoroughly after handling eggs. or as a general rule after handling meat or poultry · تجنب تناول الأطعمة التي يدخل في مكوناتها البيض النيئ مثل المايونيز · Avoid foods that contain uncooked egg, such as mayonnaise. · احرص على غسل اليدين ولوحة التقطيع والأدوات المستخدمة لإعداد الطيور قبل طهيها · Wash hands, chopping boards and utensils thoroughly after handling raw poultry · يفضل فصل لوحة تقطيع الدواجن عن تلك المستخدمة لتقطيع الخضروات أو الفاكهة · Separate a board used for chopping chicken from the one used for cutting cooked food, vegetables, or fruits · احرص على طهي الطيور على درجة حرارة عالية لا تقل عن 80 درجة مئوية أو أعلى فهذا كفيل بقتل فيروس أنفلونزا الطيور في حوالي 60 ثانية · Cook poultry at high temperatures. Cooking temperatures of 80°C or higher destroy the bird flu virus in about 60 seconds. دعونا نتحد سويا لتظل بلادنا في مأمن من تفشى هذا المرض الشرس Let us unite together to avert the possible outbreak of this pandemic in our country

Transcript of Prince Saud interview with U.S. print journalists Transcript of the interview given by Prince Saud Al-Faisal, Minister of Foreign Affairs, to U.S. print journalists at the Royal Embassy of Saudi Arabia in Washington, DC, September 22, 2005 QUESTION: Can I ask you about Syria. Is the Saudi government doing anything to urge the Syrian government to cooperate on Lebanon, on the Hariri assassination, on the issue of Iraq? Is there any effort to get them to do more than they have in the past, anything new? PRINCE SAUD: We have very good relations with Syria. Syria is an Arab country, and we continuously talk on issues of mutual interest and particularly those that affect the national interests of each country and the general interests of the Arab world. For Iraq, as you know, we are also members of the contiguous states to Iraq, and that’s an initiative that we had started, that King Abdullah had started, and the main purpose and the main aim of this grouping is one, to keep the countries of the region out of interfering in the internal affairs of Iraq, and second, to help the government of Iraq to establish unity and to ensure the unity and territorial integrity of Iraq. So we do talk about these issues collectively and bilaterally QUESTION: But you’re not doing anything new to try to pressure them, on Iraq or on the Syrians. PRINCE SAUD: We talk of course continuously. We cannot put more pressure than talk. QUESTION: Can we get your analysis of the situation in Iraq now, and how it’s affecting your country? PRINCE SAUD: Iraq, it’s a very dangerous situation and a very threatening situation because the impression is that it is gradually going towards disintegration. There seems to be no dynamic now that is pulling the country together. All the dynamics there are pushing the people away from each other. The special position of the Kurds in Iraq is nothing new. This is not the threat to the unity of Iraq, so a special position for a Kurdish area in Iraq would not threaten the territorial integrity of Iraq. But what is dangerous is this effort to separate the Arab population of Iraq into Shiite and Sunni groups that will be at loggerheads. And if that happens, which is something that was never the case in Iraq, there was even at the time of Saddam Hussein no real problems between Shiites and Sunnis, they were living in the same places and the same areas peacefully, intermarrying, normal life between the Shiites and the Sunnis, because they are all Arabs. If you have a tribe like the Shammar tribe, which is half Shiite and half Sunni, they are still Shammar. I remember a line from the book Shogun, where the priest was asking the Japanese lady, But you are a Christian. But I’m also Japanese. These people are Sunni but they are also Arab, and they live together, there are no differences between them. But now they’ve been separated. QUESTION: Why do you think this happened? PRINCE SAUD: This happened because from the word go the Sunnis were put as the enemy. QUESTION: Is there anything the United States or other powers could have done to avert this? PRINCE SAUD: I think by not putting every Sunni as a Baathist criminal would have been the way of dividing the good people from the bad people. But all the military forces were considered a threat, and all the Baathists were considered a threat, and therefore not dealt with and kept away. With the breakdown of the government and people finding nothing to eat, no salaries being paid to the government or the military, they turned into a resistance group, gradually, and started to cooperate with the resistance factions. And the resistance factions there, or the terrorists if you will, found the fish they could hide among. And that is what the situation is now. The way to go about it is to pull the Sunnis who are only looking for a livelihood, who want only guarantees of their security and safety, away from the terrorists. And the only way you can do that is by using the Arab Shiites to get in contact with them, to assure them of their safety and their well-being, to assure them of the territorial integrity of Iraq, to assure them of being equal citizens in the new Iraq. That is the way to do it. Guns don’t speak, they just kill. What you need is somebody to speak and convince people and have the mind work, not just the nerves fear. QUESTION: What is the actual worry Saudi Arabia has as a result of this? PRINCE SAUD: Disintegration. It would bring the countries of the region into conflict. The immediate result is the threat that it would draw the countries of the region into conflict. That is the main worry of all the neighbors of Iraq. QUESTION: Do you have a fear of a US-Iranian conflict? PRINCE SAUD: I don’t see one looming, but I’m not the best crystal ball gazer in the world. QUESTION: Your Highness, on the constitution, would it be better if the voters of Iraq rejected the constitution, start over? Or do you see the constitution as a way of ameliorating these trends? PRINCE SAUD: The constitution, I mean, if even the holy books are misinterpreted and misapplied and used in a dangerous way, a constitution can be used in a dangerous, it depends on how you apply it. It is words on a paper, promises of things to come. They can be honestly applied, achieve peace and stability, and if the intent is otherwise, it can be used otherwise. The important thing is not the constitution per se. The constitution, the elections, these are the methods of trying to keep the country together. It is what the people do with the constitution and the election that is important. Now the constitution had a section in it at one time that considered that Iraq was, if I remember the words correctly, a country of different nationality, the Arab population of which is part of the Arab world. What about the rest of Iraq? Is it part of the Arab world? It is now becoming not part of the Arab world. And what would be the advantage to do that and create another divisive element through the constitution when you are looking for stability in Iraq. That has been changed. QUESTION: You said Iraq could bring the countries of the region into conflict. Do you mean that suddenly going to be problems between Iraq and Syria, between Iran and Saudi Arabia, will the Shiites in eastern Saudi Arabia be affected by this? PRINCE SAUD: The country will be divided into at least, to my mind, three parts: Kurdish part, a Sunni part and a Shiite part if things go the way they are. And naturally there will be a struggle between the three for the natural resources of Iraq. Each side will try to get these natural resources to pay for his country. And in doing that, and turning into conflict, of course the Shiites will be helped by Iran; Turkey is not going to allow a Kurdish state on its border and therefore it will enter. The military have already stated that if there were an independent Kurdish state, it is no secret, they made it very clear, and if I don’t see how the Arab countries are going to be left out of the conflict in one way or another. QUESTION: You see this as the natural course of the way things are going now. PRINCE SAUD: We don’t see any other course that would prevent this from happening. I don’t see this as a purpose for policy, to divide Iraq, but I think this is what is going to happen if things continue as they are. But I was going to continue with the constitution. The constitution also has another part which deals with Iraq, if the copies that we have are the right constitution. They deal with the different governance of Iraq separately. Each governor has the ability to have its own constitution, its own legislature, its own executive branch. If that happens, this is a formula for disintegration for Iraq. And in the United States, you’re still fighting the civil war for states’ rights, but now it is not on the battlefield but in other ways. And it is the most modern country in the world. Just think what that type of pressure would do to a country like Iraq. QUESTION: Do you blame the United States? Do you think the United States should not have gone into Iraq, and what are you urging the United States at this point to prevent the disintegration of Iraq? PRINCE SAUD: I think what I’m trying to do is to say that unless something is done to bring the people of Iraq together, a constitution alone or an election alone won’t do it. And this is what we are suggesting, that the Arabs of Iraq should be urged to unite, that the Shiites of Iraq should open channels and bring their brethren the Sunnis away from the resistance groups and into the political process that is going on. QUESTION: Have you carried this message to people within the American government? PRINCE SAUD: I wouldn’t talk to the newspapers in any way different than I would talk to anybody else. QUESTION: Whom else did you speak to? PRINCE SAUD: Everybody that would listen to us. QUESTION: Of those people, whom can you mention? PRINCE SAUD: Anybody who would listen to us. QUESTION: Who are you seeing on this visit? You saw the Secretary of State in New York. PRINCE SAUD: We have one duty to perform here with the Secretary of State and that is to set up the strategic committee that was announced in the final communiqué during the meeting between King Abdullah and the President in Texas. QUESTION: Are you seeing anyone else to share these thoughts? PRINCE SAUD: I saw this morning the Majority Whip of the House. I don’t know why they call it the whip, because they had a whip at one time to keep the rank and file of the party in line. QUESTION: Your comments to the Council on Foreign Relations in New York suggested great concern over Iran’s role in Iraq. How profound and pervasive do you think that is, and how can it be reversed? I’d also be interested in your analysis of the president of Iran’s speech to the U.N. Security Council. PRINCE SAUD: First of all, let me say that I wouldn’t say anything about Iran that we don’t say to Iran directly. We have a very frank, open relationship with them in which we speak frankly. Iran is an old nation, a great nation with a lot of history, and a great potential for the future and to be a stabilizing force in our region. Our contacts with them are always aimed at talking about this role that Iran can play in the region as a stabilizing country in the region. And they perceive of themselves as playing a large role that is comparative to their history and their size and their power. We always try to convince them that a leading nation in a region has to take into consideration the interests of the smaller nations of the region, and not only its own. That’s a sign of leadership. You take the interests of the other countries in your strategy. Therefore decisions like going into weapons of mass destruction cannot be handled independently, but must take into consideration the interests of other countries. And the policy that we had agreed with them upon was always to make the Gulf region, along with the Middle East in general, free of weapons of mass destruction. So when we worry it is a worry that emanates from previous discussion that we have and in which there were assurances that we are pursuing the same policy for the region. We will continue to have dialogue with them, we will mention these worries that we have to them, and we are sure that we can reach an accommodation in which all the interests of the countries of the region are taken in a collective manner so that we can make sure this region of ours, which is an important region in the world, is secure and is stable. QUESTION: Do you think Iran playing an increasingly negative role in Iraq? There are reports from the region of weapons shipments, etc. PRINCE SAUD: We are members of the contiguous group of Iraq, and Iran is one of the important members of that group, that group was established basically to keep people from not interfering in Iraq. Now Iraq is a member of that group, and they complain of interference from Iran. This is my comment: If this is true and there is interference, especially in these separate governors that we are talking about, because they are contiguous to Iran and they are relatively calm so they can move easily in it. If there is an effort to do some interference, that would be the place, and that would be very dangerous. QUESTION: What kind of interference are they complaining about? PRINCE SAUD: People coming in, money being brought in, interference in the political life, weapons too. QUESTION: The late Prime Minister Hariri had such a long and close history with your country, and we now have an investigation that has implicated a number of officials in Lebanon who have extremely close ties to the Syrian government and who have interviews going on in Damascus in which the investigator is speaking with senior people in the Syrian government. What is your perspective on that process, and if it should emerge that even more evidence of Syrian relationship with that particular tragedy should emerge, what consequences would flow from that in your view? PRINCE SAUD: Prime Minister Hariri not only had relations with Saudi Arabia, but he had close relations with many Saudis, and I personally have lost a great and close friend in the death of Mr. Hariri. So the personal loss is immeasurable. On the other hand, to speculate on the result of what is being pursued, as to who the responsible official before it comes out, clearly who is to blame and who is not to blame, I think he would be the first to avoid speculating on the guilt or innocence of anybody unless proven by the courts. One of the important decisions that the government of Lebanon has done is to leave the responsible people who are doing the investigation free from interference and to say that the courts also will be free from interference in looking at this issue. This issue, if it is handled legally through the legal institutions and not interfere politically, let the cards fall where they may, and let the guilty come out whoever they are. That can only be a healthy thing for the future of the region and for the future of Lebanon. QUESTION: Karen Hughes is leaving this weekend for her first trip to the region, including a stop in Saudi Arabia. What kind of challenge does she face in convincing the Islamic world of good U.S. intent, and what is your message to her? PRINCE SAUD: America will deal with the region on its principles. America is not unknown to the region. It had no bad history with the region. It wasn’t part of the Crusades, it wasn’t part of the imperial period, it is known as the country that helped the region achieve independence. So the knowledge of the people of the Middle East of the United States is a healthy one all in all. It is only recently and mainly because of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict that perceptions changed, but I think they changed without losing the basic admiration of the people of the Arab world for America. They still remember that America is the land of self-determination, the land that dealt with the world on principle rather than on the interests of its business community like the continental powers of Europe. This basic healthy background is just below the surface and can emerge if the Palestinian question is justly settled, and people would return to the perceptions that they had on America. We in Saudi Arabia are sure that the intentions of the United States are not imperialistic in the region, and we have direct proof of that. We had 500,000 American troops on our territory during the war for the liberation of Kuwait. When the war finished, these 500,000 troops left. I wonder if the Parliament of England had 500,000 troops in Saudi Arabia they would have left. What do you think, you were ambassador there? PRINCE TURKI AL-FAISAL (Saudi Ambassador to the U.S.): I think now they would leave. A hundred years ago, maybe not. PRINCE SAUD: This is something. It is indicative that America harbors no bad intentions about the region, and people know this instinctively. They cannot understand, they cannot conceive why a country with so many principles has a double standard on the issue of Palestine. This is the frustration of every Saudi. And if you meet any Saudi, you will find this as the only frustration. And they are mad. They are mad because they know the good part of the United States, and they are mad because they see this as inconsistent with the other side. And one of the most interesting developments that I have heard, the American ambassador told me that after this Hurricane Katrina that the telephone lines of the embassy were flooded by calls from ordinary citizens asking what they can do to help. Now that under any circumstances could not be considered an inimical feeling on the part of the Saudis for the American people. QUESTION: It seems the administration does not agree with your analysis of Iraq. PRINCE SAUD: It is not the first time. QUESTION: One might even suggest that the disagreement between yourself, the Saudi leadership on one side and America on the other, seems deeper than it might even be on Israel-Palestinian issues. PRINCE SAUD: We agree on one thing. We agree on the objective, and that is important. We all want a free Iraq, we all want a prosperous Iraq and a united Iraq. QUESTION: It is your neighborhood, you’re living next door. I’m very curious to know, I’m sure this administration values your perspective and views. PRINCE SAUD: America’s neighborhood is much wider than ours. QUESTION: I wonder if you can candidly tell us a little more about your discussions with administration officials about something like this, and whether they are listening, do they tell you they disagree, or that you’re wrong? PRINCE SAUD: I promise not to tell the administration what I tell you and I am not going to tell you what I tell the administration. QUESTION: What’s your perception, some people say they’re living in a world of their own ideology or imagination, or good intentions, whatever it is. What’s your analysis? PRINCE SAUD: No, they have a point to make. They say people doubted there would be an election, and there was an election, and the majority of the Iraq people voted for it, and it is out. They say the same thing about the constitution, you are worrying about the constitution, but once people work on the constitution, you will see that it will come out right and it will unite Iraq and they might prove to be right. They are not going willy-nilly without a policy in this. They have specific objectives, they have specific actions to be taken. Their purpose is clear to them and they are pursuing it. QUESTION: Do you believe Iraq has crossed the threshold into a civil war? PRINCE SAUD: Not yet. QUESTION: Is it close? PRINCE SAUD: I think it can be retrieved, I hope it can be retrieved. QUESTION: Internal security of Saudi Arabia. PRINCE SAUD: Thank God it is good. QUESTION: Do you support sending Iran to the Security Council? PRINCE SAUD: It’s tough. I think for my country, we prefer to talk to them. Even when we have bilateral problems, we prefer to talk to them. They are people who listen, they are people who will talk and give and take. There is always a chance when you talk. But when you confront each other, it is tough. QUESTION: Do you think Iran wants a nuclear weapon? PRINCE SAUD: I hope they don’t. QUESTION: Your government recently pardoned the Libyans who were accused of sponsoring the plot against the then-Crown Prince. Does that indicate that your government no longer sees them as being guilty, as taking part in the plot? Secondly, are you disappointed in the response of the U.S. government in this regard, because this would appear to be an act of terrorism, and the government of the United States has not really addressed the issue very clearly in terms of condemning Libya. PRINCE SAUD: If we wanted to prove their guilt, we would have gone through the trial. But we said we would stop the trial for the benefit of Arab solidarity. In the meantime, we hope that they have learned also that this manner of dealing with issues is counterproductive, even to their own interests. We hope they will desist from further actions of this kind. Remember, there is always a trial in absentia. PRINCE TURKI: And also, the attorney general was willing to take the case, which means he had evidence. ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------- All contents on this web site is copyrighted ©2005 Information Office of the Royal Embassy of Saudi Arabia in Washington DC. To contact the embassy by phone please call (202) 342-3800. For the VISA Section please call (202) 944-3126 or send a fax to (202) 337-4084. You may also send e-mails to info@saudiembassy.net

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عبد الامير الورد : تحملت الغربة لأن العراق لم يمنحني ما اريد · مقدم البرنامج : السلام عليكم ورحمة الله وبركاته ، اهلاً بكم في برنامج واحات ، نستضيف اليوم في برنامجنا اسماً اكاديمياً لامعاً واديباً شاملاً هو د. عبد الامير الورد ، الدكتور الورد شخص متميز في كل شئ في كلمته وثقافته وحسن اختيار الموضوعات والالفاظ والعرض والكلام ، نستمع في البداية الى سيرتك . · المعلق : ولد الدكتور عبد الامير الورد في منطقة الكاظمية في محلة البحرين عام 1933 من اسرة علم وثقافة وادب ، اكمل دراسته الاعدادية في مدينة الكاظمية وكان كثير التردد على معهد الفنون الجميلة وذلك بسبب حبه للمسرح . اكمل دراسته الجامعية في كلية الاداب وقدم مجموعة من الاعمال المسرحية وكان عضو في الفرقة الشعبية مع المرحوم جعفر السعدي ثم في فرقة المسرح الفني الحديث ، اكمل الماجستير في كلية الاداب عام 1971 ثم اكمل الدكتوراه عام 1978 ، عمل استاذ في كلية الاداب في جامعة السليمانية ثم جامعة بغداد حتى تقاعد منها ، اصدر العديد من الكتب والدراسات منها منهج الاخفش الاوسط في الدراسة النحوية ، معاني القران للاخفش ، المدارس النحوية ، السؤال الكبير ، مقدمة في ادب الوالدين ، العروض للجميع. كتب العديد من النصوص المسرحية منها رياح الخريف ، هاجر للتدريس في جامعة درمة في ليبيا عام 1990 ثم جامعة صنعاء عام 2000 ، عاد الى العراق عام 2004 ليواصل رسالته التربوية والثقافية . · مقدم البرنامج : لنبدأ بسؤال درس اللغة العربية بين ان يكون معيارياً وصفياً وبين ان يكون خاضعاً لقواعد وبين ان يكون محاولة لاكتشاف انماط جديدة ، ماذا تفضل ان يكون الدرس اللغوي معيارياً ام وصفياً؟ · عبد الامير : الكلام في حقيقته فكرة في الذهن يحولها الى الفاظ يستقبلها السمع ويحولها الى معاني تزيد العلم الذي يساعدنا على الفهم ، وكلما كان العلم اقل ضغطاً على الذهن كلما كان المتلقي افضل وبذلك يكون النحو علماً وصفياً وهو في طبيعته وصفياً . اتذكر انه هناك شخصية من الشخصيات الفنية وهو موجود في السينما لااذكر اسمه حفظ قواعد النحو كما يصفها سيبويه ، فاذا اراد انم يكتب رسالة لابيه جاء الينا لنكتب له ، فالقواعد لم تعلمه شيئاً اما استعمال العربية بقي بعيد عنه فنحن نحتاج الى ان نفهم فيه كلام العرب. · مقدم البرنامج: لكن المدارس النحوية العربية قدمت صورة معقدة جداً للغة العربية ؟ · عبد الامير : لذلك فشلت في ان تحبب النحو الى الناس . · مقدم البرنامج : اي المدارس تراها افضل ؟ · عبد الامير : انا اكاد اخذ باراء ابن مضاء . · مقدم البرنامج : ما نظريته ؟ · عبد الامير : لاحذف ولا تقدير الا لو تم وظهر الكلام به ولم يختل نظامه . اضافة الى الغاء نظرية العامل الذي يرفع وينصب ويجر ويجزم والمتكلم بحسب المعاني التي يريدها ، الغاء الثواني والثوالث والغاء الحذف والتقدير . · مقدم البرنامج : انت درست اللغة العربية في اكثر من جامعة ودرست الادب العربي ، هل انت راض عن طريقة تدريس اللغة والمناهج التي تدرسها فيها ؟ · عبد الامير : هي تختلف من مكان الى اخر حسب انشدادهم للعلم او عدم انشدادهم ، ما وجدته هنا هو افضل ما وجدته في سائر الاقطار سواء في ليبيا او اليمن وما وجدته هنا اكثر احترام للدرس ورغبة في الدراسة وتقدير الجانب العلمي اكثر . · مقدم البرنامج : انا اتجدث عن مناهج التدريس ، هل ترى انها مناهج مقنعة وتوصل اللغة العربية بشكل صحيح ؟ · عبد الامير : اللغة العربية ..لا ، اما الموض وعات الاخرى كالادب العربي .. · مقدم البرنامج : انا اتحدث حصراً عن اللغة العربية ؟ · عبد الامير : تحتاج اللغة العربية الى جهد لايصالها الى الاخرين . · مقدم البرنامج : كيف ترى موضوع ان الطالب في العراق يبدأ من الصف الرابع الابتدائي بأخذ اللغة العربية ويصل الى نهاية المرحلة الثانوية دون ان تكون له القدرة على اعطاء جملة صحيحة؟ · عبد الامير : من يدرس نظرية سياقة السيارات لن يجلس دقيقة واحدة خلف مقودها ، هو لايستخدم اللغة العربية بل يستخدم العامية فلا يحمل العربية خارج نطاق دروسه وبالتالي تبقى بعيدة عنه . · مقدم البرنامج : وهذا قدر العربية ؟ · عبد الامير : ليس قدر اللغة العربية هذا قدر الذي نريده للعربية . · مقدم البرنامج : نحن في واقع حال ، فنحن لا نستطيع ان نصدر امر ونقول تحدثوا باللغة العربية الفصحى في الشارع ؟ · عبد الامير : انا عندي مشروع ابدال الفصحى في الحياة العامية بشكل يسير وهو مشروع طويل ومفصل مثلاً أفصح مدرسة تقدم لها جوائز ومكافئات ، افصح مدرسة وافصح أسرة وافصح بائع فاكهة من السوق وهكذا شيئاً فشيئاً . · مقدم البرنامج : ولكن نحن لا نستطيع اطلاقاً ان نسيطر على الظاهرة اللهجوية من مغرب الوطن العربي الى مشرقه ؟ · عبد الامير : بلا نستطيع . · مقدم البرنامج : عفوا دكتور البنى الاجتماعية والسياسية والاقتصادية لا تزال متخلفة ، فكيف نستطيع ان ننشئ داخل هذه البنى منهجاً لتعليم اللغة العربية وتطويعها ؟ · عبد الامير : عبر استخدامها فاللغة العربية مفهومة ولو استخدمناها لفهمناها ولو اقتنعنا بها لامكننا ان نسير بها الى محاولات واسعة ، لم يبق ما يجمع العرب الان الا اللغة العربية لذلك لايدعي العروبة من لايعرف اللغة العربية . · مقدم البرنامج : الان بعد ان انحسرت مرحلة العروبة ايديولوجياً وفكرياً وتكرست الظاهرة القطرية ، واذا كنا في ذلك العصر لم نحترم مشروعها وننقذه فكيف نستطيع ان ننقذه الان ونحن في ظل تكريس القطرية ؟ · عبد الامير : انا لايهمني ، كرس قطريتك لكن ضع العربية في المقام الاول وكن ما تشاء . · مقدم البرنامج : انت ترى الان الانترنيت يستخدم اللهجات الشعبية الركيكة خاصة بين الرسائل الشخصية فهي لا تشجع ؟ · عبد الامير : ما الذي خلف الانترنيت انا لو قدمت العربية كما هي واضفت عليها ما يغري لانتهت القضية . · مقدم البرنامج : لماذا لا نقول انه لابد ان نبسط اللغة العربية ، انا لدي أبناء اقرأ لهم مناهج المرحلة المتوسطة وهي حقيقة صعبة جداً ، والطلبة هم في مرحلة المتوسطة يجدون صعوبة في الاعراب المطول . · عبد الامير : لعنة الله على الاعراب لنترك النظريات هناك الكثير ممن لا يعرفون سياقة السيارة وهناك الكثير لايعلمون ما هي السيارة ولكنهم يسوقونها وينجحون ، والنحو معرفة دقائق السياقة وانا اريد معرفة السياقة أي معرفة استخدام اللغة العربية ، اتذكر اني عندما كنت اتكلم مع ربيبتي بالفصحى وهي كانت تستجيب لي وكنا واقفين في احد الايام في سوق وقالت لي كم استرجعت من بقية النقود ، وكان هناك جزار فقال لنا هذه هي الوحدة العربية وليست شعارات ، فلو تعودنا تعلم الفصحى سنتكلم بسهولة ونحن نريد العربية كذوق وليس قواعد . · مقدم البرنامج : حضرتك اطلعت على المناهج اللغوية العالمية واطلق عليها علم اللغة وظهرت مجموعة كبيرة ممن وضعوا قواعد اللغة ، هل تعتقد انه بالامكان الاستفادة من علم اللغة الذي وضعه الغربيون في اللغة العربية ؟ · عبد الامير : في موضوعة النحو ؟ · مقدم البرنامج : النحو وغير النحو . · عبد الامير : والله كان بالامكان الاستفادة من أي منهم لو لم يكن ما عندهم مما عندنا واثبت ذلك عبد العزيز حمودة ان جميع المدارس اللغوية في الغرب نابعة من مدارس الشرق . · مقدم البرنامج : ولكنها مناهج جديدة ؟ · عبد الامير : كله في حقيقته مأخوذ من عندنا . · مقدم البرنامج : انا لااعتقد ان الجرجاني هو شبيه بدودسر على الاطلاق ؟ · عبد الامير : كلا في كثير من اصوله مشابه . · مقدم البرنامج : انا اقصد هل يمكن الافادة منها في قواعد اللغة العربية ؟ · عبد الامير : لايوجد شئ لاينفعك بشرط ان تعرف كيف تسير ، نحن الى الان لا نعرف كيف نسير بقواعدنا لخدمة لغتنا وبقيت القواعد قواعد يحفظها الطالب ولا ينتفع بها . · مقدم البرنامج : انت شاعر وربما لم يعطك الشعراء والنقاد حقك وانا استمعت لك واود ان نسمع شئ من شعرك ؟ · عبد الامير : انت تريد قصيدة وانا لدي قصيدة اذا قلتها الان فانها صفعة على الجبين . دبروا لي طريق الهزيمة نحو جهنم ، ان جنائنكم طلل من بقايا ثمود وعاد واحياء لوط القديمة زودوني بأطهر ما تأكلون لحوم الكلام واملئوا قربتي من محيض البغايا العقيمة ودعوني اشير الى الوادي اللهيب لعلي اذوق جحيمه ودعوني بلا دمعة واقيموا ولائمكم فرحاً بانتقالي عنكم لوادي تطهره النار من عاهة مستديمة دبروا لي طريق الهزيمة ان جميع البغايا لديكم تنادي بحق البغاء في الحياة الكريمة فيا لضياء الدماء في زمن الجريمة ودبروا لي طريق الهزيمة . · مقدم البرنامج : هل ترى ان الخراب العراقي الموجود الان يوحي شئ من هذا ؟ · عبد الامير : نعم ، بدأت احس بذلك فالموظف ما زال يعتقد انه سيد المراجع وهذا خطأ ، يبقى المواطن والمراجع سيد الموقف دائماً فالموظف خادم لأصغر مراجع في حين ترى ان الموظف يتلكأ في عمله ويقول لك تعال بعد اسبوع فيبقى يلعب بك في حين لا تجد وسيلة للعيش ، فهذه نماذج وقيم قديمة لا تزال بيننا . هذا خطأ سنفكر لو بقينا هكذا سنحتاج بعد 50 او 60 سنة الى احتلال اخر . · مقدم البرنامج : لماذا لم يتكرس الشعر في حياتك ويتحول الى قضية تلتزم بها التزاماً كبيراً ؟ · عبد الامير : الشعر معي منذ عام 1953 والى الان ولكني منذ السبعينات بدأت اتحسب عندما تحول الشعر الى بضاعة تقدم على المائدة وانحسرت تماماً حتى لا اسقط في مطب بيت الشعر واردت دائماً ان ابقى في الظل حتى لا اقع بما وقه به الاخرون . · مقدم البرنامج : انت لم تصدر ديوان شعري لحد الان رغم عمرك الشعري ؟ · عبد الامير : كنت اخشى من هذا وديواني موجود . · مقدم البرنامج : لماذا لم يصدر اذن ؟ · عبد الامير : حالما تنتهي المشكلات اليومية لابد ان يصدر . · مقدم البرنامج : ما حكايتك مع عروض الشعر ؟ · عبد الامير : حكايتي عجيبة انا نشأت في بيت الشعر فيه على كل لسان وبدات احس بالابيات الشعرية ان كانت خاطئة او مستقيمة ، ودخلت كلية الاداب ولم يوفق الاستاذ في افهامنا القوانين ، ورغم هذا نجحت لذوقي الشعري ، ذهبت الى جامعة السليمانية ثم جامعة بغداد في اكاديمية الفنون ثم كلية الاداب وما زال اساتذتي موجودون ، ولم افهم العروض رغم انهم طلبوا مني تدريس مادة العروض ، لكن انفتحت علي مادة العروض في كتاب عبد الحميد الراوي وانحلت المشكلة وانا الان اؤلف كتاب اسمه العروض للجميع بلغة يستطيع الطالب المتخرج من الثالث متوسط استيعابها . · مقدم البرنامج : الا تعتقد ان فهم العروض يستوجب استعداداً موسيقياً ؟ · عبد الامير : ابداً ، فهم العروض يحتاج الى الساعات الخمس او الست الاولى من حضور الدرس ومن لا يحضرها لايفهم شئ ، الاصمعي الشاعر الكبير لم يفهم العروض لانه لم يحضر الساعات الاولى . · مقدم البرنامج : هناك حقل مهم من الحقول التي رافقت حياتك وهو المسرح ، متى بدأت الهواية والى اين انتهت ؟ · عبد الامير : بدات عندما كنت في الخامسة من عمري عندما اجتمع والدي واعمامي الخمسة عام 1932 وقرروا اقامة مسرحية مجنون ليلى لاحمد شوقي في منطقة الكاظمية وكانت الملابس تخاط في بيت جدي ، فنشأت وفي داخلي حب المسرح وصعدت في جمعية بيوت الامة عام 1944 لو قدر لي الان لصعدت للمسرح ثانية . · مقدم البرنامج : اتذكر انك عندك مذكرات ميم مع سعدون العبيدي ؟ · عبد الامير : اين هو الان ؟ · مقدم البرنامج : مدير عام دائرة السينما والمسرح · عبد الامير : لعن الله من قال انه توفي ، واتذكر مسرحية مذكرات ميم وانا افخر بها فالسيطرة على الجمهور وحدك لسلعة كاملة دون ان تقع في مطب التهريج عمل بطولي وانا مستعد ان اعمل معه من جديد . · مقدم البرنامج : وصلت لي معلومات انك مهتم بالتشكيل والتصوير والغناء ؟ · عبد الامير : احب الغناء كثيراً ولكي اغني دون حرج احول الكلمات في الله ورسوله واغني كما اشاء حيث اكون مطمئناً . مثلاً اغنية يا هلي يكفي ملام لعبد الحليم حافظ حولتها الى اغاني لله ورسوله ، انا لا اجيد الرسم ولكن في يوم كنت اصلي وواضع المسبحة امامي فوجدت اني استطيع تشكيلها كما اشاء ، وفي صنعاء اشتريت مدة بيضاء وكلما رأيت شكلاً يستحق صورته ، فاجتمعت لدينا مجموعة غريبة من الصور سميتها رسوم شكلتها المسبحة وهذا بالنسبة لي فن التصوير وانا احب الفن بشكل عام سواء رسم او نحت او تشكيل وانا اتذوقه واعيشه . · مقدم البرنامج : انت ترى ان التجويد جزء من علم الصوت وانه اهمل كثيراً ؟ · عبد الامير : لو جئتك بانسان مولود سنة 100 للهجرة علم التجويد يجعلنا ننطق الكلمات كما نطقها الرسول محمد ابن عبد الله صلى الله عليه وسلم ، اذن هو علم الصوت الدقيق العربي المسلم ، اليوم نسمع المقرئ العربي والتركي والهندي والفارسي كلهم يقرؤون بلام واحدة وظاء واحدة ، ونحن ظلمنا علم التجويد عندما جعلناه خاص بالقران ويجب ان يدرس من الابتدائية الى الإعدادية . · مقدم البرنامج : اهتمامك بالتجويد والادب والشعر جاء من بيوت الكاظمية الرصينة ، هل لك ان تحدثنا عن تلك البيوت ؟ · عبد الامير : انا لم ادخل فيها كثيراً وفي بداية شبابي اكثرها زالت فتوفي 3 من ال الصدر ثم توفي مجموعة ال ياسين وكانت هناك مكتبة للامام الحسن ومكتبة للامام الصدر ومكتبة الجوادين وكانت مكاتب ومناهل للعلم استفدنا منها . · مقدم البرنامج : بيت الورد من البيوت اللامعة في الكاظمية ، ماذا اعطاك ؟ · عبد الامير : في بيت جدي كانت هناك 3 مكاتب ، واحدة لوالدي واخرى لخالتي واخرى لخالي ، وفي بيت جدي لوالدي كانت مكتبة عمي ، فالمكتبة جزء مهم عندي والكتاب جزء مهم مني . · مقدم البرنامج : هناك من قصائدك اظن انها قصيدة رسالة ممكن ان نسمعها ؟ · عبد الامير : جائتك من كبدٍ حرا لمحزنة .. قد صاغ الفاظها نبض الشرايين .. فلا تعرها سراباً لا خلاق له ولا يضل صداً في قلب موهون .. خذها خلاصة عمر ظللت اقطعه عام فعام الى تذريف ستيني .. اسير شوط حياتني غير متئابداً ، ارص ركبي بلا رفق ولا لين .. خذيني الى ارض ترى الانسان مكرمةً وليس العوبة في كف مجنون .. تظل ساعاتها تترى وبي ثقة اني لست مرهوناً لمرهون .. خذ بي وانا لست ملاكاً في طهروته .. ولكني لست ارى غير الشياطين .. · مقدم البرنامج : يبدو ان الغربة محطة مهمة في حياتك ، ارتك اشياء كان سببها بعدك عن الوطن والاهل ، هل لك ان تطيق ساحة الغربة بعيداً عن العراق ؟ · عبد الامير : كنت اتحمل الغربة لا ن العراق لم يعطيني ما اريد ، لا انا ممثل وجدت مكاني بين الممثلين ولا انا استاذ وجدت حقي بين الاساتذة والى الان واقولها بملاء فمي . · مقدم البرنامج : لماذا دكتور ؟ · عبد الامير : اسألهم هم انا لا عرف . · مقدم البرنامج : هل هذا جزء من امتهان الانسان العالم والمثقف في بلد يعج بالصراع ؟ · عبد الامير : فليكن ما يكون انا معروف تاريخي المسرحي والشعري ، مع ذلك اترزق لأسد لقمة العيش اليومي وقلتها وسأقولها ، دبروا لي طريق الهزيمة نحو جهنم ان جنانكم طلل من بقايا ثمود وعام واحياء لوط القديمة . · مقدم البرنامج : هذا يجرنا الى موقع العالم والمثقف الا ترى انه هناك صراع سياسي يعزل فئة المثقفين ويضعها في فئة العازة والفقر هل هذا سمة العراق الحديث ؟ · عبد الامير : هناك قضية حدثت عندما انتج الاتحاد السوفيتي اول قمر صناعي جنت امريكا وشخصت ان الاتحاد السوفيتي ارقى منها علمياً ولكن غفي الحقيقة انه ليس ارقى منها لكن يسخو اكثر على القضايا العسكرية ، وان الارقى علميا هم اليابان وعندما سالوا عن سبب رقيهم قالوا " اعطينا المعلم حكمة القاضي وسلطة الضابط ومرتب الوزير" والان اليابان تغزو العالم دون جندي واحد . · مقدم البرنامج : لماذا لايعطي السياسي العراقي الحق للمثقف والعالم المبدع ؟ · عبد الامير : لانه لم يتعلم ولو كان يتعلم لكان أستاذه هو شيخه وتذكر ان المدرس عندما يكون اغلى اهل البيت فهذا هو البلد المتقدم .

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